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The political consequences of the end of nationalist violence: the Basque Country and Corsica in comparative perspective

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Abstract

The last decade has seen the disappearance of nationalist political violence in two minority nations of Western Europe: the (Spanish) Basque Country and Corsica. Considering the importance of violence in the politics of these two communities (since 1959 in the Basque Country and 1976 in Corsica), the 2014 announcement by the Front de libération nationale corse of its ‘demilitarization’ and the dissolution of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna in 2018 represented potential critical junctures in the political development of both the Basque Country and Corsica. What, then, was the impact of the end of political violence in the two communities and why did this new ‘civil peace’ play out differently across the two cases, if it did? This article traces the process of political development in the Basque Country and Corsica through and after the end of violence. It shows that such end led to a strengthening of nationalism and a surge of claims for increased autonomy much more in Corsica than in the Basque Country. Then, the paper looks for an explanation for this divergence. It focuses on four differences between the two cases that could logically account for the different outcomes: constitutional status (the Basque Country has legislative and fiscal autonomy whereas Corsica has neither); the configuration of political power within each community (Basque nationalists dominate Basque politics whereas non-nationalist forces controlled Corsica until recently); the ideological positioning of the nationalist parties (more divergent in the Basque Country than in Corsica); and the levels of past violence (high in the Basque Country and low in Corsica). All these factors make post-violence alliances between nationalist forces easier in Corsica than the Basque Country.

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Notes

  1. Siroky et al. (2022) see the work of the clans as an instance of ‘indirect rule’ that contained nationalism.

  2. The FLNC’s first manifesto of 5 May 1976 is addressed to the ‘Peuple corse’ (Fabiani 2018: 56–57). The manifesto also specifically states that the new organization is the product of ‘nationalists deciding to come together’ ([L]es nationalistes ont décidé de s’unifier) (Fabiani 2018: 56). The label ‘nationalist’ therefore replaces that of ‘regionalist’. Of course, not all ‘nationalists’ did come together. For example, Max Simeoni wrote a famous editorial in 1973 in Arritti, the paper he founded in 1966, entitled ‘I am a Corsican nationalist’ (Je suis nationaliste corse) (Fazi 2022a, 2022b). The Simeoni family became leaders of the ‘autonomist’ movement, which condemned violence.

  3. The Union du peuple corse (UPC), founded by Edmond Simeoni in 1977, merged with smaller parties to become the Parti de la nation corse (PNC) in 2002.

  4. Corsica Libera, the main corresponding party of this secessionist stream, was created in 2009 from the merger of secessionist parties and groups, most notably Corsica Nazione. In the last territorial election before the end of political violence in 2010, Corsica Libera won 4 out of 61 seats in the Corsica Assembly.

  5. When direct elections occurred in the regions of Metropolitan France in 1986, the initial potential for Corsica’s statut particulier largely vanished (Michalon 2000: 51). Through the decentralization laws, Corsica also received the power to propose to France’s Prime Minister changes in laws or rules affecting the competencies, organization, and workings of the island’s ‘collectivités territoriales’ (i.e. region, departments, and communes) (Michalon 2000: 51).

  6. Erignac’s successor as préfet, Bernard Bonnet, arranged an arson on a beach restaurant (paillotte) together with ‘clues’ suggesting the crime was perpetrated by nationalist forces. Bonnet received a three-year prison sentence in 2002.

  7. On 10 March 2000, the Corsican Assembly voted on one motion calling for ‘significant decentralization’ (large décentralisation), resulting in a (thin) majority of 26 out of 51 members, and another on ‘legislative autonomy’ (une compétence législative et réglementaire de plein droit), which garnered the support of 22 members (Crettiez 2000:60).

  8. According to Fazi (2022a, b), there were 10 attacks in 2008 and only one in 2009, down from 63 in 2007. Crettiez and Boirot (2021: 65) have different (higher) numbers but a similar trend. The consideration of public and/or private property targets could be a factor in the slightly different numbers.

  9. Gilles Simeoni became president of the executive council while Jean-Guy Talamoni was appointed president of the Corsican Assembly. Femu a Corsica was the product of a merger between Inseme per a Corsica, founded by Gilles Simeoni in 2009, and a smaller autonomist group.

  10. This alliance also included the autonomist Partitu di a Nazione Corsa.

  11. Our translation of ‘un acte politique fort qui appelle des initiatives réciproques afin de conforter la dynamique de paix’.

  12. Paul Giacobbi, for example, stated in 2021: ‘I am in favour of autonomy. But not in all fields. I support it for practical matters and for identity matters’ (Mastor 2022: 176). Our translation of ‘[J]e suis pour l’autonomie. Mais pas dans tous les domaines. J’y suis favorable pour des questions pratiques, et pour les questions d’identité’.

  13. Our translation. In an interview with the newspaper Corse Matin, Darmanin stated: ‘Nous, nous sommes prêts à aller jusqu’à l’autonomie’.

  14. Such norms limited the extent of previous legislation on decentralization and/or Corsica (Henders 2010: 102–106).

  15. Our translation of ‘un objectif institutionnel clair’ andune autonomie de plein droit et de plein exercice, avec pouvoirs législatif, réglementaire et fiscal’.

  16. For example, the absolute priority for the PNV-led Basque government is the renewal of the foral agreements on fiscal autonomy every five years.

  17. However, the expansion of the nationalist narrative to focus on the well-being of those living in the region regardless of their stances on Basque self-determination or identity (Zabalo and Iraola 2022) speaks to an attempt to work around some of the nationalist categories.

  18. While the number of terrorism-related deaths per inhabitant in the Basque Country and Corsica are about the same, violence pervaded politics in the Basque Country and in Spain as a whole to a higher degree than in Corsica and France.

  19. We could also add that Corsica’s ‘islandness’ and extreme peripheral position within the French state, and perhaps also its underdevelopment, represented additional incentives for post-violence nationalist alliances and push for autonomy.

  20. Our translation of ‘idée qu’on s’était donnée d’autonomie dans la Constitution de la République française’.

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Kerr, S., Lecours, A. The political consequences of the end of nationalist violence: the Basque Country and Corsica in comparative perspective. Fr Polit 22, 3–23 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41253-023-00234-z

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