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A positive theory of the predatory state

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Abstract

While the distinction between public and private goods is essential in developing a normative theory of non-predatory states, the focus of this article is on a positive theory of predatory states. Since the predatory relationship between the state and its subjects depends on the power of the state to grab or to appropriate coercively and the subject’s ability to escape or hide, the boundaries of the state are decided by the nature of the assets that can be taken more or less easily. Accordingly, I will introduce a new distinction between captive and fugitive assets that positively captures the frontiers of a state space. The US railroading in the nineteenth century provides an illustration regarding the explanatory power of an asset-appropriating perspective of the state compared to a public goods approach.

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Notes

  1. Samuelson (1954) referred to ‘collective consumption goods’ versus ‘private consumption goods’, but Desmarais-Tremblay (2014) argued that the two dimensions of public goods already were adumbrated by Musgrave in 1939. Later, Musgrave (1969) formulated the ‘free-riding’ problem as an explanation for market failure in the case of public goods, and Musgrave and Musgrave (1973) originally conceived a two-by-two table as a pedagogical device for classifying different families of goods based on the possibility of satisfying both or only one of two criteria: non-rivalrous and non-excludability.

  2. While the amendment imposed two requirements for ‘takings’, namely ‘public use’ and ‘just compensation’, to tame the ‘despotic power’ of the state (Miceli and Segerson 2014), the evolution of the interpretation of the Fifth Amendment actually illustrates the predatory nature of the state and the inability to constrain predation in the long term (see Epstein 1985; Paul 1988; Jones 2000; Benson 2008).

  3. The title of James Scott’s book (1998), Seeing Like a State, is clearly relevant to what I suggest below in distinguishing the booty value of an asset (as seen by a state) from the economic value of the same asset in a consensual relationship.

  4. In organization theory, ‘appropriation’ often refers to post-contractual opportunist behavior within voluntary transactions (Klein et al. 1978). This type of ‘appropriative’ activity does not fall within the scope of involuntary (coercive) transactions.

  5. For a detailed critical survey of this school, see Vahabi (2011).

  6. See also Hodgson’s (2015) trenchant critique of Barzel’s confusing distinction between economic and legal property rights.

  7. A good illustration is the way Germany’s Fascist state robbed Jews (1933–1945) (Dean 2008). The Nazi authorities tried to seize not only all Jewish property but also to give those confiscations at least a veneer of legality. Hence, robbing the Jews proceeded in two steps: (1) Aryanization of the economy; (2) the confiscation of Jewish property by the state. Aryanization preceded and prepared the way for ‘legal’ confiscation, converting various forms of Jewish wealth into bank accounts or investments that could be assessed accurately by the German Ministry of Finance and then easily confiscated by the state. According to Hodgson’s definition of property rights, the Jews’ properties had to be regarded as their ‘possessions’ and the ‘property’ of the state’s looters as soon as the Fascist state adopted the Jewish confiscation law. This legalistic interpretation is misleading since it mystifies the state.

  8. I owe this distinction between ‘invisibility’ and ‘the ease to be hidden’ to one of the referees. As the reviewer persuasively argues, cocaine is not invisible but it can be hidden or disguised pretty successfully.

  9. Many scholars in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries focused on the role of asset mobility; see Hirschman (1970, 1977/2013) for examples from Montesquieu, Sir James Stuart Mill and Adam Smith, defining money, notes, bills of exchange, equity shares of companies, ships, all commodities and merchandises as ‘movable assets’ that could escape from tyranny. Hirschman (1978) also cited Turgot regarding the role of the emigration of persons in addition to physical capital in enhancing democracy. Bates and Lien (1985) added several other scholars, including Quesnay, Mirabeau and Marx, the latter stating that capital was the most mobile factor of production.

  10. Although Williamson (1976) emphasized complementarity between the two theories in comparing markets and firms (hierarchies), he referred to certain differences in their backgrounds and orientations: “The antecedent tradition on which EVL [Exit, Voice and Loyalty] relies is a mixture of politics and economics, the former of which is rather diffuse” (Williamson 1976, p. 371). Later, he delineated the frontiers between markets and hierarchies (Williamson 1985).

  11. Angell (1910/2012, p. 2) devoted a whole chapter to the impossibility of confiscation, writing: “If credit and commercial contract are tampered with in an attempt at confiscation, the credit-dependent wealth is undermined, and its collapse involves that of the conqueror; so that if conquest is not to be self-injurious it must respect the enemy’s property, in which case it becomes economically futile.”

  12. The frontier between ‘movable’ and ‘unmovable’ is not rigid. A previously unmovable asset can transform into a movable one depending on the level of technological, organizational and institutional change. Currently, equipment can ‘emigrate’ overnight from one country to another to take advantage of cheaper labor costs if the government permits it and does not expropriate the underlying assets. Physical capital investments like human capital assets increasingly are becoming movable, but even in this era of globalization, physical capital is less movable than liquid capital.

  13. I prefer Williamson’s (1985) definition: specificity does not only refer to an asset’s physical quality, but also to contractual relationships.

  14. Fugitive assets should not be confused with ‘fugitive property’, a term employed by legal scholars to define resources that have no definite boundaries and are not easily identified. Examples of fugitive property are water, natural gas, underground deposits of crude oil and wild animals. These assets should be put under ‘restraint’ before ownership can be claimed. Consequently, it is difficult to determine who has property rights over them. The legal system is confronted with issues concerning the trade-off between the costs of administrating these property rights and the benefits of having these property rights clearly defined and delineated (Cooter and Ulen 2012, chap. 5, pp. 119–126; 128–138). In our theoretical framework, fugitive assets capture both mobility and non-appropriability. For example, oil and other minerals are regarded as captive and not fugitive assets. Best’s work (2004) provides a literally critical appraisal of legal formalism concerning the disputes over the rendition of fugitive slaves and underlines the role of personhood to property.

  15. Scott (2009, op.cit.) calls these crops, ‘escape crops.’ In fact, ‘fugitive assets’ broaden the scope of this category to assets in general.

  16. A detailed study of different components of conversion costs is beyond the scope of the present article. For an analysis of different components of ‘conversion costs’, see Vahabi (2016, chap. 6).

  17. Williamson (1985) referred to these as ‘bilateral monopoly’ and handled them as ‘holdup’ cases.

  18. Although some people consider the land grants to railroads as massive handouts or subsidies, one could interpret the outcome as a form of mass privatization of land, one maybe even consistent with Lockean homesteading of previously unused land. While the two first interpretations are valid, the last one is more apologetic with regard to the seizure of land from the Native Americans.

  19. For example, in Beekman v, Saratoga & Schenectady R.R. Co. (N.Y. Ch. 1831), a New York court decided that it was “the province of the legislature to determine whether the benefit to the public warranted taking private property” (Ibid).

  20. Despite a widespread belief, the invention of a ‘mass army’ (levée de masse) is not attributable to the French Revolution: “the magnitude of the influence of the French Revolution and Napoleonic era on army size and mobilization was relatively small” (Onorato et al. 2014, p. 453). The authors’ detailed statistical data and econometric tests with regard to army size and military mobilization indicate that the peak Napoleonic army size was 2.2 times larger than it had been in 1747 (the peak date for War of Austrian Succession), and peak Napoleonic mobilization was 1.6 times larger than in that same year (Ibid, p. 475), whereas the size of the military in 1918 was 6.6 times larger than in 1812; the multiplier for mobilization was six. They demonstrate that this colossal increase was directly related to the use of railroads (see pp. 473–476). They also provide an exhaustive list of French historians who have underlined the undeniable impact of railroading in creating mass armies in France as well as explaining its failure in Franco-Prussian war owing to deficient railroads use.

  21. For having a glimpse at the ‘domestication’ of the native Indian through Reservation to Reorganization, see Takaki (1993, chap. 9).

  22. For a more detailed historical narrative concerning New Mexico’s sheep industry, see Carlson (1969).

  23. In addition to political entrepreneurs like John Muir, the railroads also are responsible for developing another so-called ‘public good’, the National Parks (Runte 2010). That story also deserves to be investigated in more detail in the future.

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Acknowledgments

I wholeheartedly thank my three anonymous referees, the associate editor Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard, and the editor in chief, William Shughart of the Public Choice journal, for their excellent and constructive comments. I would also like to present my gratitude to Bertrand Crettez, Geoffrey Hodgson, Peter Leeson, Sylvie Lupton, Pavel Pelikan, Antoine Pietri, Daniel Smith, Tarik Tazdait, and Mandana Vahabi, for their inspiring and insightful remarks on earlier versions of this paper. Obviously, all the remaining errors are mine.

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Vahabi, M. A positive theory of the predatory state. Public Choice 168, 153–175 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-016-0354-3

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