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Force and Choice

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Abstract

Some utterances of imperative clauses have directive force—they impose obligations. Others have permissive force—they extend permissions. The dominant view is that this difference in force is not accompanied by a difference in semantic content. Drawing on data involving free choice items in imperatives, I argue that the dominant view is incorrect.

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Notes

  1. Thanks to Chris Barker, Kyle Blumberg, Pat Brooks, Carolina Flores, Simon Goldstein, Michael Glanzberg, Veronica Gomez-Sanchez, Dan Hoek, Ben Holguin Nico Kirk-Giannini, Jeff King, Annina Loets, Paul Pietroski, Lauren Richardson and Andrew Rubner for comments and judgements. I am especially grateful for the detailed feedback of Paula Menendez Benito and two anonymous referees at Linguistics and Philosophy.

  2. Indeed, I want to leave open the possibility that all imperative clauses have the potential to be used in either way. Even (1) and (2), given a sufficiently exotic context, could be employed with permissive/directive force, respectively.

  3. Contemporary proponents of this position include Portner (2004, 2007, 2012), Schwager (2006b), Kaufmann (2012), Condoravdi and Lauer (2012), Starr (2020), Charlow (2014, 2018), von Fintel and Iatridou (2017a), Murray and Starr (2018, 2020), and Halm (2019).

  4. Similar accounts have been adopted by Roberts (2016), von Fintel and Iatridou (2017a) and Halm (2019).

  5. Portner (2007) does allow that the particular to-do list an imperative is associated with may be lexically specified. However, the semantic value remains a (partial) property of individuals, rather than an update rule on contexts/contextual parameters.

  6. Charlow (2014, 2018) is harder to classify, but follows a similar approach to Kaufmann. He claims that “a semantic theory for a sentence is a theory about what sort of cognitive instruction that sentence proffers”(2014, 655). However, the semantic clause he specifies for imperatives is a function from a plan [ordering source] to a proposition, rather than an update rule (2014, 646).

  7. Assuming semantic homogeneity, whether directives and permissives differ in their update effect will depend, in part, on whether one adopts a pragmatic or semantic account of their dynamics. Most proponents of a pragmatic account, including Portner and Kaufmann, take directives and permissives to be associated with the same update. For Portner, this update amounts to the addition of a property to the ‘to-do list’ of the context. For Kaufmann, the revision of the contextually salient ordering source. For both, however, directives and permissives affect the relevant feature of context in the same way. However, this is not obligatory. It is compatible with a pragmatic account of imperative dynamics that the two differ in their update effect. For example, Halm (2019) proposes that directives and permissives each affect different features of the context, a ‘to-do list’ and a ‘list of actions under consideration’, respectively.

    This option is not available to proponents of a semantic account of imperative dynamics who also want to maintain that they are semantically homogenous. If the two have the same content, and the content determines their update effect, then, evidently, that effect cannot vary between them.

  8. This is not to say that illocutionary force should be treated as a property of sentences. Rather, that the fundamental difference between directives and permissives, for semantically heterogenous accounts, will be a difference in meaning, not a difference in illocutionary force (even if the former determines the latter).

  9. In this respect, the account I propose is more similar to that of Krifka (2001, 2004, 2011), who posits that quantifiers may outscope the force of certain clauses, most notably interrogatives. Unlike Krifka, however, I take only sentential force, rather than illocutionary force, to be lexically realized.

  10. I am grateful to Dan Hoek for suggesting the acceptability of ‘by all means’ as a test for permissive force.

  11. I.e., whereas (\(\aleph \).a) has a licensed, emphatic reading with ‘do’-insertion, (\(\aleph \).b) is marked.

    figure e

    Presumably, this is due to the presence of the competing auxiliary ‘will’ in the latter.

  12. Although (7.b) surely implicates that having four slices of pizza is prohibited, this implicature is cancellable, as in (¤).

    figure f
  13. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for suggesting this point of comparison.

  14. Approaches which assume semantic heterogeneity (like those defended below) can potentially offer a unified account of the modal and imperative data. By positing distinct operators marking directives and permissives, they can posit that, whereas bounding quantifiers can only occur in the permissives, superlative quantifiers can occur in either. However, regardless of whether a superlative quantifier occurs in a directive or permissive, it serves to impose an obligation (in the same way as both ‘must’ and ‘may’ express obligation in modal declaratives with superlative quantifiers). There remains a question of why permissives or possibility modals express obligations when combined with superlative quantifiers. Cohen and Krifka’s (2014) account of superlative quantifiers in terms of speech act negation offers one way of deriving this effect. If Cohen’s superlative quantifier takes wide scope over a possibility/permissive operator, it will serve to rule out contexts in which the addressee is permitted to eat four slices or more.

  15. While the availability of FCIs in imperatives has been the object of significant discussion, it has largely focused on permissives (like (18.b)) and choice imperatives (Sect. 7.1, (36)–(37)) (Giannakidou 2001; Aloni 2003b, 2007b; Kaufmann 2012; Chierchia 2013; Giannakidou and Quer 2013; Halm 2019). Their occurrence in directives like (18.b), though less commonly discussed, has not been entirely overlooked (Dayal (1998, 464) and Oikonomou (2016b, 57) both note it). However, the variation in the commutativity of the FCI between directives/permissives (as discussed below) has not received attention.

  16. At least with respect to their at-issue content. Plausibly, (19.a) differs from (18.a) in presupposing that there is something on the plate.

  17. Note that this suggests that the licensing conditions of FCI-‘any’ are better predicted along the lines of Dayal’s (2009) ‘fluctuation’ constraint (see below) than by any approach which makes essential appeal to overt post-nominal modification of the complement.

  18. Nor is covert domain restriction required, as suggested by some authors (see in particular, Kaufmann (2012)). When used as religious doctrine, (\(\ddagger \).a) presumably involves unrestricted quantification. Likewise, as instructions to an art investigator, (\(\ddagger \).b) has an acceptable reading without any restriction on the domain (i.e., a reading on which the order is not satisfied if the investigator fails to identify some forgery of a Cezanne).

    figure q
  19. In this section I focus primarily on discussion of English FCI-‘any’ (along with its derivatives, ‘anything’, ‘anyone’, etc.). However, the analyses I discuss are generally intended to extend to related expressions in other languages, and I will consider the interaction of imperatives and FCIs in a wider range of languages below.

  20. Alternative-based theories such as Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002, 2017), Aloni (2003a, 2007a), Chierchia (2006) and Menéndez-Benito (2010) comprise a further sub-category which cross-cuts the WSU/NSI distinction.

  21. Most, but not all. Rather than having universal force contributed by the determiner itself, Menéndez-Benito (2005, 2010) proposes that it associates with a wide-scope expression with universal force. Likewise, she does not assign FCIs presupposition in (c) to explain their licensing conditions, deriving it from contradictory truth conditions instead. A number of these theories posit slightly different presuppositions to (c) in order to predict the licensing conditions of FCI-‘any’. The differences between these proposals will not matter for present purposes; for simplicitly, I focus on Dayal’s (2009) proposal.

  22. Again, not all NSI-theories subscribe to every component of this common core. Chierchia (2006, 2013) (discussed in more detail below) does not assume the presence of a higher binding quantifier. Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) do not discuss the English FCI-‘any’.

  23. Cf., e.g., Giannakidou (2001) and Jayez and Tovena (2005, 16).

  24. This simplifies Giannakidou and Quer’s formulation of the exhaustive variation condition in two respects. First, they do not specifically identify the relevant domain of individuals with extension of the restrictor. However, in order to obtain the readings they aim to account for, it is clear that this stipulation will be necessary. Second, they impose the stronger requirement that, for each d in the domain of individuals , there is some \( w \in D\) such that \(d\in \llbracket \beta \rrbracket ^{w} \) and there is no \( d '\) in the domain such that \( d'\in \llbracket \beta \rrbracket ^{w} \). It is not obvious that this generates the right predictions however—(\( *\)) appears felicitous even if it is known that the committee has two positions to offer.

    figure w
  25. As well as, less directly, Beaver (1999), Willer (2013) and Charlow (2015).

  26. Talk of prohibition is intended weakly; in particular, there is no requirement that prohibitions are deontic in character. A condition might get to be prohibited in virtue of being incompatible with the addressee’s self-interest or or the speaker’s desires, for example. In this way, wish-imperatives in English (such as ‘Get well soon.’) can be assimilated to the general class of directives, on the proposal below.

  27. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for directing me towards this material.

  28. Equally, though less frequently discussed, two utterances which agree in illocutionary force may differ in sentential force. For example, (\(\Theta \).a–c) can each be uttered as a means to performing a request.

    figure aa
  29. Something along the lines of (ii) has been widely endorsed, following Karttunen (1972, 1973) and Heim (1983). (i) is motivated by the need to account for the effects of conjunctions like ( ):

    figure ae
  30. An anonymous referee asks why the infelicity of (33) could not be explained by assuming the permissive force operator to take scope over the entire conjunction. Update with such a construction would, indeed, return the absurd context space. However, the problem is not explaining why (33) has a reading on which it is marked, but why, given the assumption that force operators can take scope below conjunction, it does not have a reading on which it is unmarked.

  31. Interestingly, Aloni (2007b, 86) mentions that both a necessity modal and a possibility modal can be derived by applying her imperative operator to an alternative set comprising a contingent proposition paired with \(\bot \) or \(\top \), respectively. This raises the possibility that appropriate force in (18.a–b) could be obtained via this mechanism. While elegant, I can see two challenges for this strategy. The first is how to derive the relevant alternative sets compositionally. The second is that, even if the relevant alternative sets stipulated, there remains no way of predicting the interchangeability of FCI-‘any’ with the standard universal quantifier in (18.a)/(19.a).

  32. The alternative would be for Chierchia to treat (18.b) as sub-trigged. This would yield the equally incorrect prediction that it imposes an obligation to eat everthing in the fridge.

  33. Chierchia’s exhaustification+scope account of FCIs yields a similar prediction when combined with the dynamic approach to imperative meaning suggested above. A directive imperative such as (18.a) will settle eating nothing on your plate as prohibited while simultaneously settling eating each individual item on your plate as permitted. For this reason, wide-scope-binding-based variants of NSI-theories are a better fit with the theory in Sect. 5.1 than exhaustification-based variants.

  34. Chierchia suggests that the failure of the inference from ‘every’ to ‘any’ is desirable under necessity modals, since the FCI supports counterfactual inferences not licensed by the standard universal quantifier. This might be correct for (descriptive uses of) declaratives (though the judgments are complex). However, it is not clear that it extends to directives (at least in English).

    figure ah
  35. This assumption is needed to explain the infelicity of, e.g., episodics like ‘Any student must be present’.

  36. Kaufmann (2012, §5.3) does endorse a semantic account of a particular class of permissive imperatives, ones which exhibit what she terms ‘advice’ use. In such uses (which obligatorily involve the parenthetical ‘zum Beispiel’/‘for example’ (in German/English, respectively)), she takes the imperative operator to have the quantificational force of a possibility modal. Its standard interpretation, with the quantificational force of a necessity modal, can then be derived via exhaustification.

  37. Note that the necessity variants improve if it is assumed that it is the domain of cards/keys is unknown. This fails to support the hypothesis that (36)–(37) are directive however. With the assumption of ignorance, the necessity variant of, e.g., (38.a), entails that the address is obligated to press every key. In contrast, the absence of this entailment is precisely what is to be explained in the case of (36).

  38. Or other forms of sub-trigging.

  39. A number of explanations of why FCI-‘any’ is less easily licensed under necessity modals have been offered, not all of which depend on the presence of post-nominal modification (e.g., Dayal (1998, 2004, 2013), Saeboe (2001), Giannakidou (2001)).

  40. Aloni (2007b) defends an alternative approach, discussed in Sect. 6.1, which takes imperatives to be headed by an operator which expresses neither necessity or possibility, but rather a form of mixed modality (cf. Sect. 6.1). This provides an attractively simple account of choice imperatives like (36)–(37). It also arguably avoids the issues with FCI-licensing that Kaufmann (2012) faces. Aloni suggests revising Kadmon and Landman’s Kadmon and Landman’s (1993) domain widening condition on licensing, from strengthening to non-weakening. If this revision is accepted, the acceptability of the FCI in (36)–(37) can be explained. The acceptability of sequences like (41), however, remains a challenge, as do the issues with non-choice offerning imperatives discussed in the previous section. As an anonymous referee notes, Aloni’s framework can generate the right predictions if (41) is translated as a disjunction of imperatives, although this comes at the cost of allowing disjunction to take scope over sentence boundaries.

  41. Note that where the infinitive occurs below the modal, the resulting sentence is ambiguous between a practical reading (on which it constrains the domain of quantification) and deontic/epistemic flavor (on which it constrains the action to be performed).

    figure ao
  42. Keshet (2013) proposes an alternative, under which imperatives function to restrict a silent modal taking wide-scope over both clauses. Han (1998) offers an account closest to that defended here, according to which the LH-clause in (45.a) undergoes directive feature deletion. However, she also posits an ambiguity for ‘and’.

  43. Plausibly, (48.c) can receive be interpreted as either endorsing or non-endorsing, depending on context (in particular, whether the speaker desires the addressee to discard the yogurt). All that is relevant is that RNR is unavailable on both interpretations.

  44. A referee asks why the same conditional information cannot be conveyed by a conjunction with a possibility modal in the LH-conjunct, such as (\(\divideontimes \).a).

    figure aw
  45. A referee raises the possibility that (50) contains NPI-‘anything’ rather than the FCI. While I agree that n-IaDs license some NPIs in their LH-conjunct, this can be controlled for by considering modifiers such as ‘absolutely’ which combine exclusively with the latter.

    figure ay
  46. There remains a question of why, if n-IaDs extend permissions, the indicative conditional is not always preferred to convey the same information. Here, it may be helpful to compare n-IaDs with declarative conjunctions like (\(\star \).a–b).

    Footnote 46 continued

    figure bc

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Appendix A

Appendix A

A model is a tuple \(\langle {\mathcal {D}}, {\mathcal {W}}, {\mathcal {G}}, \llbracket \cdot \rrbracket \rangle \). \({\mathcal {D}}\) is a set of individuals, \(d, d',\ldots \); \({\mathcal {W}}\) a set of worlds, \(w,w',\ldots \); \({\mathcal {G}}\) a set of assignments, \(g,g',\ldots \); and \(\llbracket \cdot \rrbracket \) an interpretation function.

Definition 1

  1. 1.

    \(\sigma , \sigma ',\ldots \in \mathcal {P(W)}\) are context states;

  2. 2.

    \(\Sigma , \Sigma ',\ldots \in \mathcal {P((P(W)))}\) are context spaces.

We define a language, L, along with a propositional fragment, \(L^{-}.\) \({\textsf {x}, \textsf {x'},\ldots }\) and \({\textsf {F},\textsf {F'},\ldots }\) are schematic variables over sets of (non-schematic) variables and (unary) predicates respectively. \({\textsf {A}, \textsf {B},\ldots }\) and \(\phi ,\psi ,\ldots \) are schematic variables over \(L^{-}\) and L, respectively.

Definition 2

  1. 1.
    • \( {\textsf {F(x)}}\in L^{-}\);

    • If \({\textsf {A}, \textsf {B}}\in L^{-}, \text { then } \ {\lnot \textsf {A}},\ {\forall \textsf {x}\ {\textsf {A}}},\text { and } ({\textsf {A}\wedge \textsf {B}})\in L^{-} \);

    • Nothing else is in \(L^{-}\).

  2. 2.
    • If \({\textsf {A}}\in L^{-},\) then \({\textsf {A}}, \ \textsc {Dir}({\textsf {A}}) \text { and } \textsc {Prm}({\textsf {A}})\in L\);

    • If \(\phi , \psi \in L\), then \( \lnot \phi , \ \forall {\textsf {x} }\ \phi , \text { and } (\phi \wedge \psi )\in L\);

    • Nothing else is in L.

The denotations of expressions in \(L^{-}\) and \({L}/{L}^{-}\) differ in type. The former denote propositions: functions from worlds to truth values (type: \(\langle s, t\rangle \)). The latter denote context change potentials: functions between conversation systems (type: \(\langle \langle st,t\rangle , \langle st,t\rangle \rangle \)).

\((\cdot )'\) is a generalized complementation operation over expressions of type \(\langle \alpha , \beta \rangle \) (where \(\beta \) ‘ends in t’).

figure bd

\(\sqcap \) is a generalized intersection operation over two expressions of type \(\langle \alpha , \beta \rangle \) (where \(\beta \), again, ‘ends in t’). \(\sqcap \) is the derivatively defined n-ary operation.

figure be

In interpreting our language, we define a single interpretation function recursively over the entirety of L.

Definition 3

  1. 1.

    \(\llbracket {\textsf {F(x)}} \rrbracket ^{g}=\lambda w. g(\textsf {x})\in w({\textsf {F}}). \)

  2. 2.

    \(\llbracket {\textsc {Dir}}({\textsf {A}}) \rrbracket ^{g}=\lambda \Sigma \lambda \sigma :\sigma \in \Sigma . \ \sigma \subseteq \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g} \)

  3. 3.

    \(\llbracket {\textsc {Prm}}({\textsf {A}}) \rrbracket ^{g}=\lambda \Sigma \lambda \sigma :\sigma \in \Sigma . \ \sigma \cap \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g}\not =\emptyset \)

  4. 4.

    \(\llbracket \lnot \mathsf{\phi } \rrbracket ^{g}= (\llbracket \mathsf{\phi }\rrbracket ^{g})'\)

  5. 5.

    \(\llbracket \phi \wedge \psi \rrbracket ^{g}=\llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g}\sqcap \llbracket \psi \rrbracket ^{g}\)

  6. 6.

    \(\llbracket \forall \textsf {x} \phi \rrbracket ^{g}=\sqcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}} } \ \llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]}\)

\(\llbracket {\textsf {F(x)}}\rrbracket ^{g}\) is the set of worlds w which map F to an extension which includes \(g({\textsf {x}})\). \(\llbracket {\textsc {Dir}}({\textsf {A}}) \rrbracket ^{g}\) maps \(\Sigma \) to the set of its elements which are subsets of \(\llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g}\). \(\llbracket {\textsc {Prm}}({\textsf {A}}) \rrbracket ^{g}\) maps \(\Sigma \) to the set of its elements which have a non-empty intersection with \(\llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g}\). Given an input \(\Sigma \), \(\llbracket {\textsc {Dir}}({\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) and \(\llbracket {\textsc {Prm}}({\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) are defined on a context state \(\sigma \) iff \(\sigma \in \Sigma \).

\(\llbracket \lnot \mathsf{\phi } \rrbracket ^{g}\) is the generalized complement of \(\llbracket { \phi } \rrbracket ^{g}\). \(\llbracket \phi \wedge \psi \rrbracket ^{g}\) is the generalized intersection of \(\llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g}\) and \(\llbracket \psi \rrbracket ^{g}\). \(\llbracket \forall \textsf {x} \phi \rrbracket ^{g}\) is the generalized n-ary intersection of the set \(\{ \llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g[\mathsf{x\rightarrow d} ]}\ :\ d\in {\mathcal {D}} \}\).

Adopting post-fix notation, we write \(\Sigma \llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g}\) for \(\llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g}(\Sigma ).\) Finally, we define relations of support and entailment.

Definition 4

  1. 1.

    iff \(\Sigma =\Sigma \llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g}\)

  2. 2.

    iff for all g and all \(\Sigma \): .

\(\Sigma \) supports \(\phi \) (relative to g) iff it is a fixed point of update with \(\llbracket \phi \rrbracket ^{g}\). \(\phi _{i},\ldots ,\phi _{j}\) entail \(\psi \) iff for any assignment g and context space, \(\Sigma \), sequential update of \(\Sigma \) with \(\llbracket \phi _{i}\rrbracket ^{g},\ldots ,\llbracket \phi _{j}\rrbracket ^{g}\) supports \(\psi \) (relative to g).

We can now make some observations about our language. Fact 1 says that Prm is the dual of Dir.

Fact 1

Proof

By Definition 3.2, we know that \(\Sigma \llbracket \textsc {Dir}(\textsf {A})\rrbracket ^{g}=\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ :\ \sigma \subseteq \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g} \}\). By Definition 3.4, we know that \(\llbracket \lnot \textsc {Prm}(\lnot {{\textsf {A}}})\rrbracket ^{g}=(\llbracket \textsc {Prm}(\lnot {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g})'\), the generalized complement of \(\llbracket \textsc {Prm}(\lnot {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\). But observe that \(\Sigma (\llbracket \textsc {Prm}(\lnot {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g})'=\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \cap \llbracket { \lnot {\textsf {A}}}\rrbracket ^{g}=\emptyset \}\). Since \(\sigma \cap \llbracket \lnot {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g}=\emptyset \) iff \(\sigma \subseteq \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g}\), it follows that for any g: \(\llbracket \textsc {Dir}(\textsf {A})\rrbracket ^{g}=\llbracket \lnot \textsc {Prm}(\lnot {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\). A fortiori, for any g, and . \(\square \)

Fact 2.1 says that \(\forall \mathsf{x}\) commutes with Dir. Fact 2.2 says that \(\forall \mathsf{x}\) does not commute with Prm.

Fact 2

  1. 1.
  2. 2.

Proof

Starting with Fact 2.1, first, note that updating a context \(\Sigma \) with \(\llbracket \forall {\textsf {x}}\ \textsc {Dir}({\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) returns the new context space \(\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}}\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \subseteq \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]} \}\). Similarly, updating \(\Sigma \) with \(\llbracket \textsc {Dir}(\forall {\textsf {x}} \ {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) returns the new context space \(\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \subseteq \llbracket { \forall {\textsf {x}} \textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g} \}\). Note that \(\llbracket {\forall {\textsf {x}} \textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g}=\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]}\). So \(\Sigma \llbracket \textsc {Dir}(\forall {\textsf {x}} \ {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) is the set \(\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \subseteq \bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]}\}\).

But observe that, by elementary set theory, \(\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}}\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \subseteq \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]} \} =\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \subseteq \bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]}\}.\) It follows that for any g, \(\llbracket \forall {\textsf {x}}\ \textsc {Dir}({\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}=\llbracket \textsc {Dir}(\forall {\textsf {x}} \ {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\). Accordingly, for any g and \(\Sigma \), and . \(\square \)

Turning to Fact 2.2, first, note that updating a context space \(\Sigma \) with \(\llbracket \forall {\textsf {x}}\ \textsc {Prm}({\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) returns the new context space \(\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \cap \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]} \not =\emptyset \}\). Similarly, updating \(\Sigma \) with \(\llbracket \textsc {Prm}(\forall {\textsf {x}} \ {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) returns the new context space \(\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \cap \llbracket \forall {\textsf {x}} \ {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g} \not =\emptyset \}\). Note that \(\llbracket {\forall {\textsf {x}}} \textsf {A}\rrbracket ^{g}=\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]}\). So \(\Sigma \llbracket \textsc {Prm}(\forall {\textsf {x}} \ {\textsf {A}})\rrbracket ^{g}\) is the set \(\{\sigma \in \Sigma \ : \ \sigma \cap (\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]})\not =\emptyset \}\).

We know that . So

However, crucially, \(\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \{\sigma : \ \sigma \cap \llbracket {\textsf {A}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]} \not =\emptyset \}\not \subseteq \{\sigma : \ \sigma \cap (\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket \mathsf{A}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]})\not =\emptyset \} \). Thus, .

As a countermodel, suppose that \({\mathcal {W}}=\{w,v\}\) and \({\mathcal {D}}=\{d,d'\}\), letting \(w({\textsf {F}})=\{d\}\) and \(v({\textsf {F}})=\{d'\}\). Consider the context space \(\Sigma =\{ \{w,v \}\}\). \(\Sigma \) is a fixed point of \(\llbracket \forall \mathsf{x}\ \textsc {Prm}(\mathsf{A}) \rrbracket ^{g}\), since \(w\in \llbracket {F(\textsf {x})}\rrbracket ^{g[\textsf {x}\rightarrow d]}\) and \(v\in \llbracket {\textsf { F(x)}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d']}\). However, updating \(\Sigma \) with \(\llbracket \ \textsc {Prm}(\forall \mathsf{x}\ {\textsf {A}}) \rrbracket ^{g}\) returns \(\{\{\}\}\), the absurd space, since \(\bigcap _{d\in {\mathcal {D}}} \llbracket {\textsf {F(x)}}\rrbracket ^{g[{\textsf {x}}\rightarrow d]}=\emptyset \).

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Carter, S. Force and Choice. Linguist and Philos 45, 873–910 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10988-021-09335-w

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