Zusammenfassung
Die Abschaffung des Apartheid-Regimes brachte große Erwartungen bezüglich einer Veränderung des Arbeitsmarktes mit sich. Dies war bedingt durch die Schlüsselrolle der Gewerkschaften beim Umsturz der Minderheitsherrschaft – sowohl als politische Macht, als auch durch die erfolgreiche Unterdrückung des rassistischen Arbeitsplatz-Systems.
Dieses Kapitel ist eine erweiterte Version eines 2014 in der New South African Review 4 (Wits University Press) erscheinenden Beitrags. Dank geht an John Sender und Claire Benit-Gbaffou für die Kommentierung eines früheren Entwurfes. Es gelten die üblichen Vorsichtsmaßnahmen. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen von Julia Fankhauser, Sophia Fehér, Julia Horvath, Maria Juschten und Bernhard Leubolt
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Notes
- 1.
Einer der Hauptgründe für das Fehlen solch eines Unterschieds zwischen den beiden Kategorien von Arbeitslosen ist, dass, die passive Arbeitssuche – also das (Ab)Warten über soziale Netzwerke von Gelegenheiten zu erfahren – auf Grund der hohen Arbeitslosenrate und der hohen Kosten für die Arbeitssuche, vor allem in Bezug auf Transport, in Südafrika weit verbreitet ist.
- 2.
Der Trend Selbstständigkeit zu überschätzen (und Lohnarbeit, vor allem gelegentliche Lohnarbeit, zu unterschätzen) wurde von Oya (2013) in Verbindung mit den meisten afrikanischen Statistiken und den meisten GeberInnen-Statistiken dokumentiert.
- 3.
- 4.
Dies ist vor allem im Zusammenhang mit hohen Raten der Abhängigkeit ausschlaggebend, die eine direkte Folge von hoher Arbeitslosigkeit und einem Beihilfen-System sind, das erwerbsfähige Erwachsene kaum berücksichtigt.
- 5.
Die EEC ist nicht direkt in Forschungstätigkeiten involviert, sondern lagert diese üblicherweise aus, was mitunter zu ernsthaften Fehldarstellungen von Problemen führt, wie im Fall der Forstwirtschaft (Pons-Vignon, in Kürze erscheinend). Grundlegend andersartige Vorschläge wurden im MERG-Bericht (1993) unterbreitet: die Errichtung von branchenspezifischen Lohnausschüssen, die von qualifizierten Forschern besetzt sind und es zur Aufgabe haben Mindestlöhne einzuführen und die Arbeitsbedingungen in den verschiedenen Branchen zu überwachen.
- 6.
Von Holdt (2003) zeigt auf wie „ungehorsame“ schwarze Arbeiter bestraft werden konnten, wenn sie entweder Anordnungen von Seiten eines weißen Kollegen missachteten oder wenn das Folgeleisten dieser Anordnungen sie von ihren eigentlichen Aufgaben ablenkte.
- 7.
Obwohl alle Räte den gleichen Rechtsrahmen verwenden, haben sie Handlungsspielraum sich verschieden zu gestalten. Es gibt sehr große Räte, die das ganze Land und etliche Branchen und Teilbranchen abdecken, während Andere einen sehr begrenzten branchenspezifischen Fokus haben (zum Beispiel für die Reifen-Teilbranche), oder es gibt regionale Räte, die zusammen einen wesentlichen Teil eines Industriezweiges abdecken, sowie kleine lokale Räte, die nur wenige Hundert Arbeiter einschließen.
- 8.
Branchenspezifische Bestimmungen sind online einsehbar unter: www.labour.gov.za/legislation/sectoral-determinations/sectoral-determination.
- 9.
Man fragt sich, ob COSATU, von einigen Einzelinitiativen abgesehen, je die ernsthafte Absicht hatte, arme ArbeiterInnen in Branchen wie Landwirtschaft oder Hausarbeit zu rekrutieren und gewerkschaftlich zu organisieren.
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Pons-Vignon, N., Di Paola, M. (2017). Arbeitsmarkt-Restrukturierung in Südafrika: Der Traum verzögert sich. In: de la Fontaine, D., Müller, F., Hofmann, C., Leubolt, B. (eds) Das politische System Südafrikas. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19067-9_15
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