Skip to main content
Log in

Phonological blending or code mixing? Why mouthing is not a core component of sign language grammar

  • Published:
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

The level of integration of mouthing into the sign language system was investigated using a novel experimental procedure. We constructed a word/sign matching task in which the signer has to indicate whether a LIS (Italian Sign Language) sign matches the written Italian word that follows the video presentation of the sign. In the congruent condition, the word matches the sign, while in the incongruent condition the word matches a sign which forms a minimal pair with the sign that has been presented in the video. To form minimal pairs, all four traditional formational parameters for signs plus mouthing were considered. Lip movements were present only in mouthing minimal pairs. In the incongruent condition we compared mouthing minimal pairs separately to handshape minimal pairs, location minimal pairs, movement minimal pairs, and palm orientation minimal pairs. Accuracy was markedly lower for minimal pairs distinguished by mouthing than for minimal pairs distinguished by one of the four parameters. In the congruent condition we compared mouthing minimal pairs to all the other minimal pairs, in which lips movements were absent. Reaction times were shorter in the presence of mouthing as a consequence of the strong mapping between orthography and mouthing, confirming that mouthing is highly connected to the Italian lexicon. Participants seem to consider mouthing external to the sign to be matched with the word. We propose that cases of disambiguation by mouthing should be interpreted as cases of simultaneous code mixing. Therefore, our experimental results suggest that mouthing is not a core component of sign languages.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
Fig. 5

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. Following standard practice we indicate signs by using capital letters.

  2. Italian and LIS are two completely different languages with distinct lexicons and grammars. In particular, LIS is not to be confused with any signed version of Italian. Although fingerspelling can be occasionally used for proper names or for Italian words which do not have a corresponding LIS sign, the LIS lexicon is distinct from the Italian lexicon (Cardinaletti et al. 2011). The same applies to differences between the LIS and the Italian grammar. For example, Italian is a head initial language while LIS has been claimed to be a head-final language (Cecchetto et al. 2006) and wh-phrases are clause initial in Italian but clause final in LIS (Cecchetto et al. 2009).

  3. In LIS, mouthing is optional (apart from the cases where it disambiguates minimal pairs like ROMA/FERRO) and the Deaf informant who recorded the video found the signs without mouthing fully natural.

  4. We considered CoLFIS (Corpus and Frequency Lexicon of Written Italian) frequencies (Bertinetto et al. 2005).

  5. For each pair, the semantic similarity of the Italian counterparts to the LIS signs was rated on a scale from 1 to 6 by 106 students of the University of Milan-Bicocca. Mean values were used as indicators of semantic similarity.

  6. TRISTE (‘sad’) was paired with DELUSO (‘disappointed’). They form a minimal pair that differs only for the movement parameter. We noticed that the difference in movement is slight and this might be the reason why accuracy is so low on this item.

  7. BIC (Bayesian Information Criterion; Schwarz 1978) is a useful index for model selection. The lower the BIC, the better the model.

  8. Mouthing does not need to be the spell-out of the entire word. Although variability is observed, many signers mouth only a part of the word, for example the first syllable. If mouthing is code mixing, as we propose, cases of partial mouthing might be interpreted as cases of code mixing involving sub-lexical units. Alternatively, they might be interpreted as cases involving a full lexical unit (the spoken language word) which is phonologically impoverished in the signer’s representation or production. Although the debate on whether code mixing can involve sub-lexical units is very interesting (cf. Branchini and Donati, in press, for its relevance for the lexicalist hypothesis) and mouthing cases might ultimately contribute to it, the issue is not central to our purpose in this paper, so we leave it open.

References

  • Baayen, R. Harald, Douglas J. Davidson, and Douglas M. Bates. 2008. Mixed-effects modeling with crossed random effects for subjects and items. Journal of Memory and Language 59: 390–412.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Basso, Anna, Erminio Capitani, and Marcella Laiacona. 1986. Raven’s coloured progressive matrices: Normative values on 305 adult normal controls. Functional Neurology 2: 189–194.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bates, Douglas, Martin Maechler, Ben Bolker, and Steven Walker. 2013. lme4: Linear mixed-effects models using Eigen and S4. R package version 1.4.

  • Battison, Robbin. 1978. Lexical borrowing in American Sign Language. Silver Spring: Linstok Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bertinetto, Pier Marco, Cristina Burani, Alessandro Laudanna, Lucia Marconi, Daniela Ratti, Claudia Rolando, and Anna Maria Thornton. 2005. Corpus e lessico di frequenza dell’italiano scritto (CoLFIS). Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa.

  • Boyes-Braem, Penny, and Rachel Sutton-Spence. 2001. The hands are the head of the mouth: The mouth as articulator in sign languages. Hamburg: Signum.

    Google Scholar 

  • Branchini, Chiara, and Caterina Donati. In press. Assessing lexicalism through bimodal eyes. Forthcoming in Glossa.

  • Brentari, Diane. 1998. A prosodic model of sign language phonology. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Capek, Cheryl M., Ruth Campbell, and Bencie Woll. 2008. The bimodal bilingual brain: fMRI investigations concerning the cortical distribution and differentiation of signed language and speechreading. Rivista di Psicolinguistica Applicata 8(3): 109–124.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cardinaletti, Anna, Carlo Cecchetto, and Donati Caterina. 2011. Grammatica, lessico e dimensioni di variazione nella LIS. Milan: Franco Angeli.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cecchetto, Carlo, Carlo Geraci, and Sandro Zucchi. 2006. Strategies of relativization in Italian Sign Language. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25: 945–975.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Cecchetto, Carlo, Carlo Geraci, and Sandro Zucchi. 2009. Another way to mark syntactic dependencies: The case for right peripheral specifiers in sign languages. Language 85(2): 278–320.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Crasborn, Onno, Els van der Kooij, Dafydd Waters, Bencie Woll, and Johanna Mesch. 2008. Frequency distribution and spreading behavior of different types of mouth actions in three sign languages. Sign Language and Linguistics 11: 45–67.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Donati, Caterina, and Chiara Branchini. 2013. Challenging linearization: Simultaneous mixing in the production of bimodal. In Challenges to linearization, eds. Theresa Biberauer and Ian Roberts, 93–128. Berlin: de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dye, Matthew. 2012. Production. In Sign language: An international handbook, eds. Roland Pfau, Markus Steinbach, and Bencie Woll. Vol. 37 of HSK—Handbooks of linguistics and communication science, 687–711. Berlin: De Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Emmorey, Karen, Helsa B. Borinstein, and Robin Thompson. 2005. Bimodal bilingualism: Code-blending between spoken English and American Sign Language. In 4th International Symposium on Bilingualism (ISB4). Somerville: Cascadilla Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hohenberger, Annette, and Daniela Happ. 2001. The linguistic primacy of signs and mouth gestures over mouthing: Evidence from language production in German Sign Language (DGS). In The hands are the head of the mouth: The mouth as articulator in sign language, eds. Penny Boyes-Braem and Rachel Sutton-Spence, 153–189. Hamburg: Signum.

    Google Scholar 

  • Liddell, Scott K. 1980. American sign language syntax, Vol. 52. Berlin: de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Liddell, Scott K., and Robert E. Johnson. 1989. American sign language: The phonological base. Sign Language Studies 64: 195–277.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Lillo-Martin, Diane, Helen Koulidobrova, Ronice Müller de Quadros, and Deborah Chen Pichler. 2012. Bilingual language synthesis: Evidence from WH-questions in bimodal bilinguals. In 36th annual Boston University Conference on Language Development (BUCLD), eds. Alia K. Biller, Esther Y. Chung, and Amelia E. Kimball, 302–314. Somerville: Cascadilla Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • McPherson, Laura. 2012. Underspecified tone in Tommo So (Dogon, Mali). In 29th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL), eds. Jaehoon Choi, E. Alan Hogue, Jeffrey Punske, Deniz Tat, Jessamyn Schertz, and Alex Trueman, 169–177. Somerville: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

    Google Scholar 

  • Myers, Scott. 1998. Surface underspecification of tone in Chichewa. Phonology 15: 367–391.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Navarrete, Eduardo, Arianna Caccaro, Francesco Pavani, Bradford Z. Mahon, and Francesca Peressotti. 2015. With or without semantic mediation: Retrieval of lexical representations in sign production. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education 20: 163–171.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Padden, Carol. 1980. Complement structures in American Sign Language. Ms., University of California, San Diego and The Salk Institute for Biological Studies.

  • Pfau, Roland, and Josep Quer. 2010. Nonmanuals: Their prosodic and grammatical roles. In Sign languages, ed. Diane Brentari, 381–402. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • R Development Core Team. 2010. R: A language and environment for statistical computing. Vienna, Austria: R foundation for statistical computing. Available at http://www.R-project.org. Accessed 24 October 2016.

  • Raven, John Carlyle. 1936. Mental tests used in genetic studies: The performances of related individuals on tests mainly educative and mainly reproductive. MSc Thesis, University of London.

  • Raven, John Carlyle. 1965. Guide to using the coloured progressive matrices: Sets A, Ab, B. London: Lewis.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sandler, Wendy. 1989. Phonological representation of the sign: Linearity and nonlinearity in American Sign Language, Vol. 32. Berlin: de Gruyter.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Schneider, Walter, Amy Eschman, and Anthony Zuccolotto. 2012. E-prime reference guide (version 2). Pittsburgh: Psychology Software Tools Inc.

    Google Scholar 

  • Schwarz, Gideon. 1978. Estimating the dimension of a model. The Annals of Statistics 6: 461–464.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Steriade, Donca. 1995. Underspecification and markedness. In The handbook of phonological theory, ed. John A. Goldsmith, 114–174. Oxford: Blackwell.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stokoe, William C. 1960. Sign language structure. Silver Spring: Linstok Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sutton-Spence, Rachel, and Bencie Woll. 1999. The linguistics of British Sign Language: An introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Van Selst, Mark, and Pierre Jolicoeur. 1994. Can mental rotation occur before the dual-task bottleneck? Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance 20: 905–921.

    Google Scholar 

  • Vinson, David P., Robin L. Thompson, Robert Skinner, Neil Fox, and Gabriella Vigliocco. 2010. The hands and mouth do not always slip together in British Sign Language: Dissociating articulatory channels in the lexicon. Psychological Science 21: 1158–1167.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgements

We thank the Director of the Deaf Institute of Turin, Enrico Dolza, and all participants who took part in the study. We also thank Paolo Belluardo for help with data collection, Giorgio Magri, and the editor Michael Kenstowicz and two anonymous NLLT reviewers for their valuable comments. This research was supported by PRIN (Programmi di Ricerca scientifica di rilevante Interesse Nazionale) project N. 20128YAFKB (‘Theory, Experimentation, Applications: Long distance dependencies in forms of linguistic diversity’).

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Beatrice Giustolisi.

Appendix 1

Appendix 1

Experimental minimal pairs organized by parameter:

Handshape

Location

Movement

Palm orientation

Mouthing

poltrona—sedia

battito—mamma

deluso—triste

prete—ricco

Palermo—Sicilia

armchair—chair

beat—mom

disappointed—sad

priest—rich

Palermo—Sicily

duro—posta

occhiali—premio

educato—vestito

attento—scuola

cuore—sentimento

hard—mail

glasses—prize

polite—dress

careful—school

heart—emotion

bicicletta—cambiare

conoscere—parlare

mela—scusa

prova—pulito

ferro—Roma

bike—change

know—speak

apple—sorry

attempt—clean

iron—Rome

cattivo—fesso

gas—gratis

guerra—partita

papà—patata

accetta—asciutto

bad—fool

gas—free

war—match

daddy—potato

accept—dry

acqua—Italia

cane—fame

giusto—originale

Fiat—zio

fratello—uguale

water—Italy

dog—hunger

fair—original

Fiat—uncle

brother—same

comunicare—discutere

Francia—pollo

diverso—sfida

brutto—buono

accordo—appuntamento

communicate—discuss

France—chicken

different—challenge

ugly—good

agreement—appointment

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Giustolisi, B., Mereghetti, E. & Cecchetto, C. Phonological blending or code mixing? Why mouthing is not a core component of sign language grammar. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 35, 347–365 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-016-9353-9

Download citation

  • Received:

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-016-9353-9

Keywords

Navigation