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Neighborhood Social Ties and Shared Expectations for Informal Social Control: Do They Influence Informal Social Control Actions?

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Abstract

Objectives

Social disorganization states that neighborhood social ties and shared expectations for informal social control are necessary for the exercise of informal social control actions. Yet this association is largely assumed rather than empirically examined in the literature. This paper examines the relationship between neighborhood social ties, shared expectations for informal social control and actual parochial and public informal social control actions taken by residents in response to big neighborhood problems.

Methods

Using multi-level logistic regression models, we integrate Australian Bureau of Statistics census data with the Australian Community Capacity Study survey data of 1310 residents reporting 2614 significant neighborhood problems across 148 neighborhoods to examine specific informal social control actions taken by residents when faced with neighborhood problems.

Results

We do not find a relationship between shared expectations for informal social control and residents’ informal social control actions. Individual social ties, however, do lead to an increase in informal social control actions in response to ‘big’ neighborhood problems. Residents with strong ties are more likely to engage in public and parochial informal social control actions than those individuals who lack social ties. Yet individuals living in neighborhoods with high levels of social ties are only moderately more likely to engage in parochial informal social control action than those living in areas where these ties are not present. Shared expectations for informal social control are not associated with the likelihood that residents engage in informal social control actions when faced with a significant neighborhood problem.

Conclusion

Neighborhood social ties and shared expectations for informal social control are not unilaterally necessary for the exercise of informal social control actions. Our results challenge contemporary articulations of social disorganization theory that assume that the availability of neighborhood social ties or expectations for action are associated with residents actually doing something to exercise of informal social control.

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Notes

  1. In Australia, the term “suburb” is used to refer to a feature that in the U.S. would be referred to as a “neighborhood”. Suburbs are similar to census tracts in the U.S. context, though in some cases Brisbane suburbs may be larger than census tracts as they are not determined by population. Throughout, we use the more familiar term “neighborhood” to refer to these. The suburbs in Brisbane include those that are adjacent to the main city center and those located in peri-urban areas which have experienced large increases in population growth.

  2. The total number of suburbs in the BSD as of the 2006 census was 429 with a residential population ranging from 15 to 21,001 per suburb. In the U.S., the average size of the census tract is approximately 4000 inhabitants with a minimum of around 1200 residents and a maximum of 8000 residents. In the PHDCN the average size of the neighborhood cluster was 8000. In later analyses of the PHDCN data, these neighborhood clusters were aggregated up to territorial communities with an average of 11,000 respondents. Sampson (2012: 443) reports that the ecometric properties for these larger territorial communities were “virtually equivalent” to the neighborhood clusters. Nonetheless, we assessed whether the results changed due to the inclusion of these large neighborhoods by estimating models excluding cases with more than 10,000 residents and our results were unchanged.

  3. Unlike the United States, Australian cellphone numbers do not align with regional areas and therefore could not be included in the random digit dialing selection process. Longitudinal participants were contacted on their cellphones if they had previously provided that number as a preferred contact number.

  4. The response and cooperation rates were calculated according to American Association for Public Opinion Research guidelines. The response rate was calculated as (complete)/(complete + partial complete + unknown eligibility + eligible non-interview), the cooperation rate was calculated as (complete)/(complete + partial complete + eligible non-interview).

  5. In Australia telephone prefixes indicate the area in which a resident lives. For example in Upper Brookfield the prefix is 3374 whereas in Albany Creek the prefix is 3624. Thus the random digit dialing procedure targeted the prefixes that represented our sample areas.

  6. As with all self-report data, we note that there will be error associated with respondents’ recall.

  7. To assess whether or not simply discussing the problem is a type of action we constructed an alternative measure that did not include the “discussing the problem with neighbors” action. The results were effectively identical.

  8. If they called the police or any other formal agency like government or local council, we coded that response as a public informal social control. If participants reported they had intervened directly or worked with others in their neighborhood to resolve the problem, we coded their response as parochial informal social control. There were too few instances of these other behaviors to model them as a separate category.

  9. There is significant variability in this measure across neighborhoods. We estimated a random effects logit model and found that the variability at the neighborhood level was 1.406 (SE = .239) for public social control, and 4.042 (SE = .934) for parochial social control (both significant at p < .01).

  10. We also assessed whether including multiple observations for a particular person introduced any bias by estimating an additional model that randomly selected one problem reported by each respondent. These ancillary models had somewhat less statistical power, which is unsurprising given the reduced number of observations. Nonetheless, the results of this alternative specification were quite similar to those presented in Table 1, which is reassuring.

  11. The factor analysis approach provides specific weights to each of the variables that compose the measure. These weights are analogous to an item response theory (IRT) approach; see Kamata and Bauer (2008) for the analytical proof that these approaches are identical.

  12. We also estimated ancillary models in which we did not adjust the measures for compositional effects. The alternative measures were highly correlated with those with the adjustments, and the results were very similar with no substantive changes.

  13. We included the following individual level characteristics in the model: household income, education level, length of residence in the neighborhood, female, age, homeowner, marital status (single, widowed, divorced, and married as the reference category), presence of children, and speaking only English in the home. Previous research found very high correlations between measures using a frequentist approach, as we do here, and those using a Bayesian approach (see Steenbeek and Hipp (2011) footnote 12 on page 846).

  14. The following variables were included in the multiple imputation procedure at the individual level: years of education, household income, owner, length of residence, age, gender, presence of children, immigrant background (middle Eastern, Northeast Asian, Southeast Asian, South-central Asian, Southeast European, African), marital status (married, single, divorced, widowed), perception of violence, perception of disorder, perceived collective efficacy, neighborhood social ties, perceived attachment. The following variables were included at the neighborhood level from the Census: percent various immigrant groups (southern European, northern European, middle Eastern, Asian, America, Africa) percent various religious traditions (Christian, Hindu, Islam, Judaism, other) percent various language groups (indigenous, Spanish, Western European), residential instability, median income, unemployment rate, percent with a bachelor’s degree, percent single parent households, percent minorities, population density, percent engaging in volunteer behavior, language heterogeneity, ethnic heterogeneity, religious heterogeneity, percent aged 15–24. The following neighborhood variables from the survey respondents were included: collective efficacy, neighborhood ties, attachment, perceived violence, perceived disorder, average victimization.

  15. We followed Morenoff’s (2003) approach in estimating models including spatial lags of the exogenous variables. Given that the variables were not statistically significant, and the fit of the models were not improved, we do not present those results.

  16. The household measures included in this model were: household income, level of education, length of residence, owner, marital status (widow divorce single), female, age and age squared, presence of children, social ties, social cohesion and expectations for informal social control. Neighborhood-level measures included in the model were: neighborhood social ties, cohesion, expectations for informal social control, median income, residential stability, ethnic heterogeneity, percent indigenous, population density, neighborhood problems per capita.

  17. We also estimated a logistic model in which the outcome was any type of informal social control action (as opposed to none). The coefficients were essentially averages of the parochial and public social results displayed in Table 1. Given our theoretical interest in distinguishing between parochial and public social control (Warner 2007), the combined results are not particularly insightful.

  18. We estimated an additional model that did not include the individual-level measure of informal social control expectations to assess whether it is obscuring the neighborhood-level measure. The results were essentially the same as those in Table 1, suggesting that there is no evidence of obscuring any such effect. We estimated a model that also excluded the individual- and neighborhood-level measures of social ties, and the neighborhood-level measure of expectations of informal social control remained effectively zero.

  19. To assess whether there are collinearity issues with these measures, we also estimated models including each of the variables in Table 2 one at a time (along with the remaining control variables). The results were always the same. Thus, despite the fact that the measures of social ties and cohesion are correlated .36 at the individual level and .66 at the neighborhood level, the results are not an artifact of any undue collinearity.

  20. We assessed this by estimating models on the complete sample in which we included an indicator for high collective efficacy neighborhoods and interactions of this variable with all other variables in the model. A joint significance test was conducted to assess significance of this set of interaction variables (χ 2 = 25.1, df = 21, p = .20 for parochial social control; χ 2 = 30.5, df = 21, p = .08 for public social control.

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Acknowledgments

This work was supported by the Australian Research Council (RO700002; DP1093960 and DP1094589). The authors would like to thank the Queensland Police Service (QPS) and the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence in Policing and Security (CEPS) for their support in the collection of these data. The authors would also like to thank the editor, reviewers, Barbara Warner, Lisa Broidy, Renee Zahnow and Michelle Sydes for their valuable feedback on this manuscript.

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Correspondence to Rebecca Wickes.

Appendix

Appendix

See Tables 4, 5, 6 and 7.

Table 4 Item description for independent variables
Table 5 Summary statistics
Table 6 Quintiles of collective efficacy for neighborhoods in full sample, and neighborhoods in analytic sample
Table 7 Perception of large problem, and frequency of taking action, by quintiles of neighborhood collective efficacy for neighborhoods in full sample, and neighborhoods in analytic sample

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Wickes, R., Hipp, J., Sargeant, E. et al. Neighborhood Social Ties and Shared Expectations for Informal Social Control: Do They Influence Informal Social Control Actions?. J Quant Criminol 33, 101–129 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10940-016-9285-x

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