Abstract
This article examines tensions that for the most part exist outside green criminology that could—and should—be brought under the green criminological gaze—issues that are not necessarily the province of green criminology but which have implications for the study of environmental crime and harm. Examples include: the conflicting messages that Western society encounters with respect to “victims” and “survivors”; claims of a lack of future orientation (Hayward 2012) in contrast to assertions of a risk-aversion in late modernity (Giddens 1999); frictions between the “precautionary principle” (Magnus 2008) and “precautionary logic” (Aas 2013); and the peculiarities of the “war on youth” (Grossberg 2001) in an era of “overparenting” (Kamenetz 2015) and “overindulged youth” (Kolbert 2012). The goal of the article is less to promulgate an agenda for green criminology than to heighten awareness of issues and contradictions that may contribute to environmental despoliation and degradation or frustrate efforts to address such harm.
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Notes
Pepinsky’s observation that “[w]hen we hold people responsible, we take over responsibility for the consequences of their actions,” evokes the work of the late Nils Christie (1977) on “conflicts as property.” Given the venue of the seminar where an embryonic version of this article was first presented—the Department of Criminology and Sociology of Law at the University of Oslo—where Christie had been a professor since 1966 until his untimely death in 2015, it seems appropriate to acknowledge the connection between Pepinsky and Christie’s work.
For a similar discussion—of how “redress[ing] environmental harm for some victims may lead to forced changes in industrial practices, potentially putting other victims out of work”—see Hall (2014: 137).
Of course, suggestions of an “environmental victimology” predate the work of Hall and Jarrell and Ozymy and others. For example, Williams’ (1996) article argues for the development of an “environmental victimology” as a discrete area of study—one distinct from an environmental justice approach—and works to define “victimization” in the context of environmental harms. While his piece describes limitations to the environmental justice movement, particularly its subjective definitions of victimization, its assumptions about power, and its taken-for-granted notions of group identity, it makes no explicit reference to “green criminology,” raising the question posed by Goyes and South in this issue of whether something is “green criminology” only if the author(s) say(s) so and use the term. Although this issue is outside the scope of the present article, Williams’ article seems to have become part of the green criminological canon as evidenced by its reproduction in two key readers: South and Beirne (2006) and White (2009).
Green (2006:4) may be overstating matters with his claim that we are experiencing “the emergence of rule by victim groups—‘victimocracy’.” But there is something utterly perverse about legislation that makes police officers a protected class under some states’ hate crime laws (see, e.g., Associated Press 2017; Beitsch 2016; Desrochers 2017; Douglas and Mueller 2016; Izadi 2016; Phillips 2016; Sneed 2015; see generally Wang 2015). As I have argued elsewhere, “police power is not about the control of crime and the minimization of harm, as criminology has so frequently suggested, but is instead a power that exists for the production and reproduction of order and capitalism and the securing of insecurity” (McClanahan and Brisman 2017: 334). Given that the police (at least, in the modern nation-state) are often armed with lethal weaponry and invested with the power and capacity to invade privacy and use force—“the ‘rules of engagement’ between the cop and suspect is never reciprocal,” Wall (2016: 1133) reminds us—it stretches the limits of the imagination to think that they are a persecuted group with a history of social disenfranchisement such that they require additional protection under the law. Indeed, the notion of “police-as-victims” renders the definition of “victim” equivalent to its antonym: aggressor, oppressor. Or, in the words of Cantú (2015), expanding hate crime legislation to include violence against the police “paradoxically, give[s] legal protection to a group that is notorious for perpetrating violence against the very people that hate crime laws were originally intended to protect.”
Other scholars and commentators have also commented on how the status of “victim” does not necessarily preclude one from also holding other positions of achieved status. For example, Wright (2016: 331) defines the “victim-hero” as someone “characterised by his/her suffering and by his/her actions of retribution in an effort to redeem the virtue of his/her loved one or of themselves (Anker 2005; Williams 1998)” (emphasis in original). Walklate (2017; see also 2016), to offer another example, distinguishes the categories of “primary,” “secondary,” “tertiary” and “indirect” victims/victimization and promulgates a continuum from the “victim-witness” to “witness-victim.”
For an overview of the Rio Declaration on the Environment and Development (often shortened to the “Rio Declaration”), see Brisman (2011).
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Brisman, A. Tensions for Green Criminology. Crit Crim 25, 311–323 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-017-9365-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-017-9365-8