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Antipolitics and Counterpolitics in Nepal’s Civil Society: The Case of Nepal’s Citizens’ Movement

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Abstract

This article considers the relationship of civil society to the domain of the political from the actors’ perspectives. It explores the attempt by a citizens’ movement (CMDP) in Nepal to construct new political realities in the context of the autocratic regime of king Gyanendra and then during the democratic transition. This was, paradoxically, to be achieved through the construction of an apolitical space. Theoretically, this production of apoliticality by civil society actors shows that civil society is not only implicated in the expansion of what is understood as ‘political’ but also in setting its boundaries. The broader aims of the article are to contribute to the ethnography of civil society and to add to current understandings of the relationship of actually existing civil societies to the political domain. Practically, it argues that debates over whether civil society is or is not political in the Nepal case and normative positions within development circles that it should not be political are misconceived since civil society is a site for the production of both politicality and apoliticality.

Résumé

Cet article examine le lien entre la société civile et le domaine de la politique du point de vue des protagonistes. Il décrit la tentative faite par un mouvement de citoyens (CMDP) au Népal pour construire de nouvelles réalités politiques dans le contexte du régime autocratique du roi Gyanendra, puis au cours de la transition démocratique. Cette initiative doit être réalisée, curieusement, par la construction d’un espace apolitique. En théorie, cette production de l’apolitisme par les acteurs de la société civile indique que celle-ci n’est pas seulement impliquée dans le développement de ce que l’on entend par «politique», mais aussi dans la délimitation de ses frontières. Les objectifs plus étendus de cet article sont de contribuer à l’ethnographie de la société civile et à la compréhension actuelle de la relation entre les sociétés civiles et le domaine politique. Il fait valoir, en quelque sorte, que les débats visant à savoir si la société civile est ou n’est pas politique pour l’exemple du Népal et concernant les positions normatives dans les cercles de développement, et qui portent sur le fait qu’elle ne devrait pas être politique sont erronés, puisque la société civile est un lieu de production d’actions à la fois politiques et apolitiques.

Zusammenfassung

Der Beitrag betrachtet die Beziehung zwischen der Bürgergesellschaft und der politischen Domäne aus der Perspektive der Akteure. Es wird untersucht, wie die nepalesische Bürgerbewegung für Demokratie und Frieden (Civil Movement for Democracy and Peace, CMDP) versucht, neue politische Realitäten im Rahmen des autokratischen Regimes von König Gyanendra und anschließend während des Wandels zur Demokratie zu konstruieren. Dies sollte paradoxerweise durch die Schaffung eines apolitischen Raumes realisiert werden. Theoretisch zeigt diese Schaffung einer Apolitizität durch die Akteure der Bürgergesellschaft, dass die Bürgergesellschaft nicht nur in der Ausweitung dessen, was als „politisch“ verstanden wird, verwickelt ist, sondern auch in seiner Eingrenzung. Der Beitrag zielt allgemein darauf ab, zur Ethnographie der Bürgergesellschaft beizutragen und das gegenwärtige Verständnis von der Beziehung der tatsächlich existierenden Bürgergesellschaften zur politischen Domäne zu vertiefen. In dem Beitrag wird konkret die Ansicht vertreten, dass in den Diskussionen darüber, ob die Bürgergesellschaft im Fall Nepal politisch ist oder nicht, und in den verbreiteten Auffassungen innerhalb von Entwicklungskreisen, dass sie nicht politisch sein sollte, falsche Vorstellungen vertreten werden, da die Bürgergesellschaft eine Einrichtung für die Schaffung von sowohl Politizität als auch Apolitizität ist.

Resumen

El presente trabajo analiza la relación entre la sociedad civil y la política desde las perspectivas de los actores. Analiza los intentos de un movimiento ciudadano en Nepal (el CMDP) para construir nuevas realidades políticas en el contexto del régimen autocrático del rey Gyanendra y después durante la transición democrática. Paradójicamente, ello debía lograrse a través de la construcción de un espacio apolítico. En teoría, esta producción de «apoliticalidad» de los actores de la sociedad civil demuestra que la sociedad civil no solo está implicada en la expansión de lo que se entiende como «político» sino también en establecer sus límites. El trabajo tiene como objetivos más amplios contribuir a la etnografía de la sociedad civil y añadir los conocimientos actuales de la relación de las sociedades civiles existentes y al dominio político. En la práctica, argumenta que los debates sobre si la sociedad civil es o no política en el caso nepalí y las posiciones normativas dentro de los círculos de desarrollo que no deberían ser políticas están mal concebidos, ya que la sociedad civil es un sitio para la producción tanto de «politicalidad» como de «apoliticalidad».

摘要

本文从行动者的角度阐述了民间社会与政治领域的关系。它探讨了尼泊尔公民运动(CMDP)尝试在贾南德拉国王专制制度以及在随后的民主过渡期间构建新的政治现实。矛盾的是,这是要通过构建一个非政治性的空间才能实现的。理论上,由民间社会行动者产生的这种非政治性表明,民间社会不仅表示为“政治”的扩展,也表示确定其边界。本文更广泛的目的是促进民间社会的民俗发展,以及补充对实际存在的民间社会与政治领域关系的理解。实际上,它认为对在尼泊尔个案中民间社会是否具有政治性以及发展协会不应具有政治性的规范性立场的辩论并不恰当,因为民间社会会同时产生政治性和非政治性。

ملخص

ملخص: هذا البحث يأخذ بعين الإعتبار العلاقة بين المجتمع المدني ومجال السياسة من وجهات نظر الأطراف الفاعلة. يبحث في المحاولة من قبل المواطنين التي تسمى الحركة المدنية للديمقراطية و السلام (CMDP) في نيبال لبناء الحقائق السياسية الجديدة في سياق النظام الاستبدادي للملك جيانيندرا، ثم خلال التحول الديمقراطي. كان هذا ، بشكل متناقض، ممكن أن يتحقق من خلال بناء غير سياسي. من الناحية النظرية ، هذا الإنتاج الغير سياسي من الجهات الفاعلة في المجتمع المدني يظهر أن المجتمع المدني ليس فقط متورط في التوسع فيما هو مفهوم “كسياسي” ولكن أيضا في تعيين حدوده. الأهداف الأوسع نطاقا للبحث هي المساهمة في الأثنوغرافيا الوصفية للمجتمع المدني وإضافة الفهم الحالي للعلاقة بين المجتمعات المدنية الموجودة فعلاً إلى المجال السياسي. من الناحية العملية، تجادل المناقشات حول ما إذا كان المجتمع المدني سياسي أو غير سياسي في حالة نيبال ومواقف معيارية داخل دوائر التنمية لا تنبغي أن تكون سياسية تم فهمها خطأ لأن المجتمع المدني موقع لإنتاج العملية السياسية و الغير سياسية.

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Notes

  1. Several of these points were acknowledged as mistakes committed by his own party, UML, by then general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal in an article in the national daily Naya Patrika, 10 January 2009.

  2. He was, indeed, rumoured to be the choice candidate for the post of president by CPN-M. As we stood in the programme, comments were made by passers-by that here was ‘President Devendra Raj Panday’.

  3. In the CA, 240 seats were allocated according to the First Past The Post system, 335 through proportional representation and 26 were to be allocated to ‘civil society members.

  4. The late GP Koirala was a four-time elected prime minister and the president of Nepali Congress at the time; and Madhav Kumar Nepal, currently prime minister of Nepal was then the general secretary of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist).

  5. This tactic bears resemblance to that employed by students in opposition to the partyless panchayat regime that ended with the movement of 1990. Indeed, Burghart (1994) recalls how students would conduct ‘clean up campaigns’ across the capital, highlighting the negligence of the regime and its failings towards ordinary people.

  6. This is not to say that there was no sense of difference or hierarchy—indeed there were significant differences between the ‘clusters’—youth and senior persons, for example, although they did mix, a sense of difference based on seniority was evident. But these were less accentuated than in other settings, e.g. NGO, governmental programmes.

  7. The turning point was the concluding of a 12-point understanding between the seven main parties (Seven Party Alliance or SPA) and the Maoists in late November 2005. In its wake, the political party movement began to attract larger numbers of people outside the ranks of party cadres with some of the largest street demonstrations since 1990.

  8. The Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities is an umbrella organisation comprising 54 indigenous organizations widely distributed throughout the Terai, Hills and Himalayas of Nepal.

  9. The demands put forward at this people’s assembly were: the conducting of CA elections in November that year; the adoption of full proportional representation in the CA elections; ending the monarchy and the establishment of a federal democratic republic of Nepal; holding talks with all agitating groups and the punishing of those responsible for crimes against protestors during the people’s movement of 2006.

  10. In 2009, notably in relation to the sacking of chief of army staff Katuwal by the then Prime Minister, Prachanda.

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Acknowledgements

The authors wish to acknowledge all those who gave their time to share with us their experiences and opinions about the democratic movement in Nepal. We are also grateful to the UK’s ESRC, members of the NGPA programme and the Department of Anthropology at the University of Sussex, UK for their generous support in bringing this work to fruition. Also, the authors would like to acknowledge all respondents for their insights and patience, and three anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback and suggestions.

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Correspondence to Celayne Heaton Shrestha.

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Shrestha, C.H., Adhikari, R. Antipolitics and Counterpolitics in Nepal’s Civil Society: The Case of Nepal’s Citizens’ Movement. Voluntas 21, 293–316 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-010-9142-8

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