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Design Space and Cultural Transmission: Case Studies from Paleoindian Eastern North America

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Abstract

Tool design is a cultural trait—a term long used in anthropology as a unit of transmittable information that encodes particular behavioral characteristics of individuals or groups. After they are transmitted, cultural traits serve as units of replication in that they can be modified as part of a cultural repertoire through processes such as recombination, loss, or partial alteration. Artifacts and other components of the archaeological record serve as proxies for studying the transmission (and modification) of cultural traits, provided there is analytical clarity in defining and measuring whatever it is that is being transmitted. Our interest here is in tool design, and we illustrate how to create analytical units that allow us to map tool-design space and to begin to understand how that space was used at different points in time. We first introduce the concept of fitness landscape and impose a model of cultural learning over it, then turn to four methods that are useful for the analysis of design space: paradigmatic classification, phylogenetic analysis, distance graphs, and geometric morphometrics. Each method builds on the others in logical fashion, which allows creation of testable hypotheses concerning cultural transmission and the evolutionary processes that shape it, including invention (mutation), selection, and drift. For examples, we turn to several case studies that focus on Early Paleoindian–period projectile points from eastern North America, the earliest widespread and currently recognizable remains of hunter–gatherers in late Pleistocene North America.

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Notes

  1. Our landscape here is strictly impressionistic and intended only as an example. Realistic three-dimensional maps of decision making that incorporate fitness peaks are extremely complicated to model (Brock et al. 2014).

  2. Although the three characters are constructed from a continuous variable—length—we can divide it into any number of bins.

  3. Technically, cladistics is a particular method for creating hypotheses of evolutionary relationships (Brinkman and Leipe 2001), but we follow what has become common practice and refer to several phylogenetic methods collectively as cladistics. These include maximum likelihood and Bayesian Markov Chain Monte Carlo, both of which calculate probabilities through reference to an explicit evolutionary model from which the data are assumed to be distributed identically (Kolaczkowski and Thornton 2004).

  4. O’Brien et al. (2014) note that the database consists of 1813 specimens. That number is a typographical error.

  5. Because it is much easier to use class abbreviations than it is to write out class definitions (the number strings)—not to mention easier to remember—we use the abbreviations. Note that the abbreviations are based on commonly used type names. In each case, the type names were taken directly from the literature in which the specimens were illustrated. For example, Class DAQS contains six specimens, at least one of which was originally referred to as a Dalton (D) point, at least one as an Arkabutla (A) point, at least one as a Quad (Q) point, and at least one as a Simpson (S) point. Echoing our discussion in the text, this ought to give us pause the next time we think about using traditional projectile-point types as analytical units.

  6. The number of specimens changes from character to character because we were conservative in which specimens to include. All 1113 points included in the overall sample were complete in terms of assigning particular character states to them, but they might have had small pieces missing that precluded exact measurements and thus were excluded from the analysis shown in Fig. 11.

  7. One of our recent studies (Eren et al. 2015b) focused on Paleoindian-point richness in eastern North America, with richness being the number of classes in our database per region. When the Southeast as a whole is compared statistically to the Northeast, Mason’s (1962) prediction is upheld. Further, when we divide the Southeast into the Upper Southeast and the Lower Southeast, the former region exhibits greater class richness than either of the other two regions. The Upper Southeast contains portions of major waterways such as the Missouri, Mississippi, and Ohio rivers.

  8. Although not presented here, analysis of data generated by binning specimens by longitude showed no patterning. This parallels the findings of Smith et al. (2015), who note that in their study latitude was associated more strongly with shape than longitude was.

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Acknowledgments

We thank Jim Skibo, Cathy Cameron, and Ashley Smallwood, along with two anonymous reviewers, for numerous suggestions for improving the original manuscript. MIE is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship from the University of Missouri.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Anthropology, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO, USA

    Michael J. O’Brien, Matthew T. Boulanger, R. Lee Lyman & Metin I. Eren

  2. Department of Anthropology, University of Tulsa, Tulsa, OK, USA

    Briggs Buchanan

  3. Department of Anthropology, Bristol University, Bristol, UK

    R. Alexander Bentley

  4. Department of Anthropology and IIRMES, California State University Long Beach, Long Beach, CA, USA

    Carl P. Lipo

  5. Department of Anthropology, University of Washington, Seattle, WA, USA

    Mark E. Madsen

  6. Department of Archaeology, Cleveland Museum of Natural History, Cleveland, OH, USA

    Metin I. Eren

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O’Brien, M.J., Boulanger, M.T., Buchanan, B. et al. Design Space and Cultural Transmission: Case Studies from Paleoindian Eastern North America. J Archaeol Method Theory 23, 692–740 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-015-9258-7

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