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An ideology critique of the use-value of mathematics

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Abstract

The idea that mathematics is needed for our mundane everyday activities has raised the question of how people deal with mathematics outside the school walls. Much has been written in mathematics education research about the possibility of transferring knowledge from and into school. Whereas the majority of this literature commends the possibility of transfer, thus assuming both the desirability of transfer and the importance of school mathematics for the professional and mundane lives of individuals, I am interested in developing an ideology critique on the beliefs underpinning the research on this issue. It will be argued that the use-value attributed to school mathematics disavows its value as part of a political and economic structure, which requires school mathematics to perform other roles than the one related with utility. This critique will be illustrated through the exploration of a typical transfer situation between school and workplace.

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Notes

  1. But also politics of recognition (Butler et al., 2000), or politics of difference (Seidman, 1994). For an account of the terms in which this discussion is carried out see, for example, Butler et al. (2000), Eagleton (2001) and Vighi and Feldner (2007); and within education Cole (2003).

  2. The process of “forgetting” the economic cause has been a major feature not only of the postmodern trend but also of what Ozselçuk and Madra (2010) call “the humanist Marxism”, expressed in the work of well-known Marxists of the twentieth century such as Adorno, Lukács and, more recently, Habermas and Lyotard. These works read Marx in ways that contain or even annul the constitutive determinacy of economy. In the case of postmodernism, the Marxist primacy of the economic is watered down into a set of political, cultural and sexual impediments. In the case of so-called post-Marxists, what is in fact a structural problem, endemic to a mode of production, is transformed into an abstract problem of greed, which could be solved by increasing the values of solidarity, trust, sharing and general commitment to improving the quality of human life (Ozselçuk & Madra, 2010). Painted in this way, Marxism has an uncanny resemblance to a catechism, with charity as the main safeguard of humankind. Economic exploitation, the foundation of capitalism, is reduced to political domination, which can be solved through the goodwill of engaged people.

  3. This is also the case with the vast majority of mathematics education research (which not only disavows the economic but also shows a historical tendency to disavow the social and cultural dimensions, by being centred in a psychological approach). As Paola Valero and I found (Pais & Valero, 2012), even socioculturalism and its use of Marxist psychological theories such as those of Lev Vygotsky and Alexei Leontiev, end up focusing on the cultural and historical dimension of learning, thus completely obliterating its economic dimension. Nonetheless my criticism here concerns research that, although seeking to go beyond a “didactical”, “psychological” and “sociocultural” perspective of school mathematics, by means of emphasizing “political” issues, refrains from analysing the relation between school mathematics and the capitalist system.

  4. A slogan propagated in the last decades by professional organizations (e.g. NCTM, 2000) and researchers (e.g. Presmeg, 2010) alike.

  5. When Lacan (seminar of 23 April 1974, in Le séminaire, Livre XXI: Les non-dupes errant, unpublished, cited in Fink, 1995, p. 142) says that “[t]he real is what does not depend on my idea of it”, he is pointing to the dimension of human subjectivity that is independent of our knowledge of it—the Freudian unconscious. Such a conceptualization is what allows Žižek to transpose the real qua psychic dimension to social analysis. His argument is that we may very well know that our economic system is unfair, that schools are subjected to economic pressures, but nonetheless its functioning is real, i.e. it does not depend on our knowledge of it. The same point is made by Lundin (2012) apropos of mathematics education: “[m]easurements, grades, and examinations have consequences only inside the system in which they play a central role (…) it should be as obvious that opinions, thoughts and feelings towards this system do not affect its proper functioning” (p. 83).

  6. At stake here is what in contemporary theory is called the performative power of the word (e.g. Butler, 1997; Derrida, 1976): reality as something which is constituted, posited by the subject. When we say that the world is written in mathematical language—the Galilean idea that mathematics is everywhere—we are not asserting some ontological truth about the world or about mathematics; rather, it is by means of our declaring it that the world becomes “written” in mathematics. The truth claim of a statement cannot be authorized by means of its inherent content, but results from the “‘rationalization’, the enumeration of a network of reasons, masking the unbearable fact that the Law is grounded only in its own act of enunciation” (Žižek, 2008b, p. 100).

  7. A remarkable example is given by Jurdak (2006). After concluding that “the activity of situated problem solving in the school context seems to be fundamentally different from decision-making in the real world because of the difference of the activity systems that govern them” (p. 296), and that students “define their own problems, operate under different constraints, and mathematics, if used at all, plays a minor role in their decision making” (p. 296), Jurdak still insists on the importance of confronting students with real-life situations: “simulations of such authentic real life situations as embedded in situated problem solving may provide a plausible option to develop appreciation of the role, power, and limitations of mathematics in real-world decision-making” (p. 296). He adds, “though quite different in real life from that in school, the process of mathematization is essentially the same and having experience in it in a school context may impact on mathematization in real life” (p. 297, my emphasis). Saying that the process of mathematization is the same, no matter what the context, does not sit well with the sociocultural perspective from which Jurdak writes. It is impossible to find support in the research reported in Jurdak’s text for such statements. The belief that the exploration of real-life situations in school will impact on the way in which people use mathematics in real life is based on a “leap of faith”, and thus constitutes ideology at its purest.

  8. As observed by Lundin (2012, p. 8), “[t]he faithful finds a reason why the game is played, seemingly in reality itself, and at the same time identifies a corresponding explanation why ‘it does not work’”. As a faithful adherent, one perceives oneself as the one “who knows, who sees the sorry state of mathematics education in the light of all that it could be, and dutifully shoulders the burden of reform”. As pointed out by Lundin, however, this attitude, instead of leading to an amelioration of school mathematics, maintains the status quo. This happens because, in the well-intentioned action of improving mathematics education, the faithful fail to acknowledge, in the corrupted reality they lament, the ultimate consequences of their own acts.

  9. Elsa Fernandes participates, as does the author of this text, in the project LEARN, which is one of the activities of the Technology, Mathematics and Society Learning Research Group of the Centre for Research in Education at the University of Lisbon. One of the purposes of this project is to analyse, from a different theoretical perspective, data already collected in previous research work done by the participants in the project.

  10. They all passed, despite the obvious difficulties some of them, e.g. Alberto, have with the subject.

  11. But also that in order to pass in mathematics they do not really need to learn mathematics, but only to reproduce in the exam what the teacher performed during class; they learn the correct way to answer their teacher’s questions, and how to appear busy in order to avoid extra work (Fernandes, 2004).

  12. An important distinction should be made between believing and knowing: “I believe through the other, but I cannot know through the other” (Žižek, 2008b, p. 138). When students say they need mathematics, this assertion belongs to the sphere of the (Lacanian) symbolic: what it really means is that students believe that others believe mathematics is important, and the knowledge they have of the useless character of school mathematics in their practice nobody can hold for them: they experience it in the (Lacanian) real. Our everyday ideological attitude consists precisely in the gap between (real) knowledge and symbolic (belief). Ideology structures our belief against something we know to be real.

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Acknowledgments

This article is part of my PhD project, supported by the Foundation for Science and Technology of Portugal, grant SFRH/BD/38231/2007. It is also part of the Project LEARN, funded by the same foundation (contract PTDC/CED/65800/2006).

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Pais, A. An ideology critique of the use-value of mathematics. Educ Stud Math 84, 15–34 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10649-013-9484-4

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