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Negotiating regional order: regional power influences on nuclear nonproliferation in East Asia

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Abstract

In this paper, we explore the relationship between regional powers and security norms by examining the influence of the liberal international order (LIO) on regional security dynamics in East Asia. In examining the influence of the LIO on East Asian nonproliferation norms, the USA and its partner nations have displayed a great deal of inconsistency regarding nuclear nonproliferation. We contend that this inconsistency offers opportunities for regional powers like China to reinforce or contest expectations associated with international nuclear norms. Often perceived as a stable pillar of the international order, variations in nuclear nonproliferation norms from the global to those in East Asia suggest a need to reconsider the influence and nature of the ILO on regional orders more broadly. Due to the role regional powers play in this relationship between the global and regional levels, this research also reinforces the continued importance of the Regional Powers Research Program.

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Notes

  1. One might argue that even the economic dimension is by no means certain given recent actions by states to protect sovereignty from the encroachments of interdependence (e.g., Brexit, US protectionism, etc.…), but this is beyond the scope of the paper.

  2. Lake et al. (2021) offer that sub-orders can be broken up along a range of issue-specific or regional categorizations.

  3. Recent trends perhaps suggest a regression in this area due to a rise in support for more autocratic governance and perceptions of democracies’ struggles to address growing inequality and maintain rule of law.

  4. While this statement is clearly made with respect to the lack of security in Afghanistan, it bears mentioning that US foreign policy in Africa has been motivated by this logic as well. Carmody notes that the globalization of security as it relates to transnational terrorism has been particularly influential in debates regarding the strengthening of state capabilities in Africa to protect from these threats. See Padraig Carmody (2005).

  5. This is not to suggest that China has no global power aspirations, has not engaged in activities that are more globally oriented, or that it cannot someday be considered in this regard. Rather, we contend that the regional concerns China much more at this time than the global, and in any event the region will be necessary to dominate if it is to further pursue any global power goals.

  6. While beyond the scope of this study, the recent assassination of Iran’s top nuclear scientist, Moshen Fakhrizadeh drives home this point about alternatives to traditional mechanisms of deterrence when it comes to nuclear weapons proliferation.

  7. Indeed, it is the focus on these issues that has led to both the USA and China failing to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, despite both agreeing to the treaty in principle. This failure illustrates the competing issues both states are trying to reconcile as it relates to nonproliferation and deterrence.

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Correspondence to Derrick V. Frazier.

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Sobecki, N.K., Frazier, D.V. Negotiating regional order: regional power influences on nuclear nonproliferation in East Asia. Int Polit 61, 125–144 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-023-00505-0

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