This book aims to demonstrate the complex interplay between environmental change and the development of migration aspirations and trajectories in the Moroccan context. Its objective is to show how environmental changes have resulted in the development of migration aspirations and have caused people to migrate over the last decades and, at an accelerating speed, continue to do so. Migration has been of all times and spaces, and people have migrated, both voluntarily and involuntarily, for environmental, economic, political, humanitarian, social, and cultural reasons (Castles et al. 2014). However, recently, environmental changes seem to have put other migration reasons increasingly under pressure (Massey 1990; Massey et al. 1998; Bates 2002; Carling 2002, 2014; De Haas 2010a, b; McLeman and Gemenne 2018b). More particularly, the increasing rate and altering nature of environmental changes add urgency to already existing factors encouraging migration (Evans 2009; TGOFS 2011; IPCC 2014) and even trigger new migratory movements (Gemenne and Blocher 2016).

In order to demonstrate how environmental change and migration issues are intertwined with each other and entangled with socio-economic issues, considerations, policies, and discourses, this book focuses on how environmental changes contribute to migration aspirations and trajectories in the Moroccan context and how this is related to migrant communities in Belgium. Special attention is given to the ways in which environmental change gives rise to how migration aspirations are developed in regions that are characterised by migration and how migration aspirations are perceived by migrants themselves after migrating. To do so, the book focuses on the linkage between Belgium and Morocco, given the extensive ties between these countries that have developed through migration over the last decades. This book results from a larger research project, namely the MIGRADAPT project, that examines how migration could work for adaptation towards environmental/climate change with respect to migration in Belgium. Given the relatively large numbers of migrants coming from Morocco, Senegal, and DR Congo and the environmental changes there, these three countries were selected as fields of research in order to better understand and compare how environmental migration is perceived and how this impacts the developed adaptation strategies of people living in these regions of origin. In this book, we focus solely on the Moroccan context; adaptation strategies to deal with environmental change are studied from a transnational perspective in which diaspora and migrant communities coming from Morocco but living in Belgium are studied and asked about their views on environmental change in the region of origin as well as how they have framed their own migration aspirations and decisions. These findings are compared to how potential migrants and people living in Morocco approach environmental change, are resilient towards it, and deal with these changes in their daily lives. More specifically, the development of migration aspirations of people living in two regions in Morocco, Tangier and Tinghir, and how these changes are perceived and explained comprise the central part of this book. This linkage between migrant communities and regions of origin is innovative as it fully captures all aspects related to these migration dynamics in the Moroccan context.

Over the course of the MIGRADAPT project, when conducting ethnographic fieldwork, it quickly became clear that there is no one-on-one relationship in terms of region of origin between the migrants who recently migrated to Belgium and those migrating or looking for better opportunities in the selected areas in Morocco facing environmental change. Although this was partly shaped by specific migration policies after the second world war, this is also an important empirical finding which is in line with main trends in environmental migration (cf. Castles et al. 2014). Those who are in most need to migrate due to environmental changes are not always able or often do travel large distances, certainly not outside Morocco.

Although environmental factors have certainly contributed to the interest of seeking work abroad, the Moroccan fieldwork also indicated that the distances people undertake when migrating due to environmental migration should not always be overestimated. Social inequalities that lie at the basis of people’s vulnerabilities towards environmental change are the same as those limiting the potential to undertake far away migration journeys on an individual basis. This differs from migration to Belgium due to established migrant networks as a result of organised labour market migration in the past and procedures of family reunification. This also shows that the framing of people’s migration aspirations and trajectories are often very dependent on the available legal frameworks and urgent necessities in life – such as work. Thus, before setting out the empirical findings, a broader theoretical framework on environmental migration will first be provided in the following chapters.

1.1 Environmental Migration

The topic of environmental migration is at this moment very much alive and kicking as both academics and policymakers have become increasingly aware of the fact that the climate changes happening at unprecedented rates are severely affecting the lives and livelihoods of millions of people across the globe (IPCC 2014). Both human migration and environmental/climate change are themes that have inspired many non-governmental organisations, educational institutions, and politicians from both right- and left-wing parties across the globe to undertake actions or to justify statements and policies. This also has led to the emergence of a discussion on the shaping of new categories of ‘environmental/climate migrants/refugees’ (Farbotko 2010; Farbotko and Lazrus 2012; McNamara and Gibson 2009) and the need for global and regional policies to better protect this vulnerable group against the disruptive effects of climate change on daily life (cf. Havard 2007; Stavropoulou 2008; Biermann and Boas 2008; IOM 2011; Zetter 2011, 2017). Due to the intensifying interest in these themes, academic, policy, and popular discourses have demonstrated that the linkages between both environmental/climate change and migration have been portrayed in a very linear and simplistic manner and have not been sufficiently based on empirical findings, and particularly on qualitative research. Inadequately informed consideration of the interactions between migration and environmental change could do even more damage to the natural environment or result in the formulation of policies that harm the targeted groups or regions or insufficiently protect the affected or vulnerable groups living in these regions and societies. For instance, the media frequently uses images of disappearing islands and depicts the mass movement of millions of people when discussing ‘climate change refugees’ (Biermann and Boas 2008; Farbotko and Lazrus 2012; Farbotko 2010; Ayeb-Karlsson et al. 2018). This leads to calls for immediate action, neglecting other crucial patterns of environmental displacement and migration, such as drought-related human mobility (and immobility) for instance.

The ongoing and very animated discourses and depictions of climate refugees portray climate change as a phenomenon that will happen in the future. These discourses ignore the fact that environmental changes have already been ongoing for years but are now occurring at a much higher speed (IPCC 2014). Consequently, by focusing solely on the migration trajectories of people confronted with disastrous or abrupt environmental changes, less attention is given to other important issues that give a far more comprehensive view on environmental migration. These issues may include the perceived links between one’s difficulties and environmental change; climate change discourses in a particular area; the differential impact of environmental change on the population living in a particular area (McLeman et al. 2016); the political and social context; remittances specifically used to deal with climate change adaptation (Black et al. 2011; Babagaliyeva et al. 2017; TGOFS 2011); the voluntary nature of migration (cf. Bates 2002), internal migration and displacement (McLeman and Gemenne 2018a); and ‘trapped’ or ‘immobile’ populations (Zickgraf 2018; Ayeb-Karlsson et al. 2018). One often-forgotten but particularly relevant research topic is how gradual environmental changes affect people’s migration aspirations and trajectories. Since the consequences of environmental changes are more clearly visible – by local communities, policymakers, and academics – when they occur in an abrupt fashion, the focus on gradual environmental changes leading to migration has shifted towards the background when discussing environmental migration and displacement. Yet, all kinds of environmental changes could result in migration or encourage people to migrate, and these migration dynamics may occur differently and create vulnerable groups that are unable to deal with such changes. Researchers, therefore, should not focus only on those who actually migrate but also include ‘trapped’ or ‘immobile’ populations (Zickgraf 2018; Ayeb-Karlsson et al. 2018) as well as those who have developed migration aspirations but are unable to put these into practice (Adger et al. 2005, 2009; UNDP 2018).

To avoid discussions on whether these migration aspirations are actually attributable to climate change or not, and to be able to fully comprehend how people perceive all kinds of changes in their natural environment, this book uses the term ‘environmental change’ instead of ‘climate change’ as it encompasses both climate changes and all other types of environmental changes. Only when participants of this study or cited authors explicitly refer to climate change, or when the author of the chapter wishes to discuss ‘climate change discourses’, is this term included. This way our understanding of the environmental-related mobility is inspired by the definition of environmental migrants provided by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM):

‘Environmental migrants are persons or groups of persons who, for compelling reasons of sudden or progressive changes in the environment that adversely affect their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their homes or choose to do so, either temporarily or permanently, and who move either within their country or abroad’ (2011:33).

This definition may not necessarily be the most aligned to serve legal purposes or to differentiate between types of environmental changes, disasters, migration patterns, and so on. This is often a tricky issue since previous studies already encountered many difficulties in defining, conceptualizing, categorizing and theorizing about environmental migrants or displaced people (e.g., TGOFS 2011; Gemenne and Blocher 2016; Bose and Lunstrum 2014; Piguet 2010). Numerous attempts to set up a comprehensive typology or provide a clear-cut definition for policymakers have failed. As the definition formulated by the IOM is very open for all kinds of forms and interpretations of environmental migration – and is also criticized for this (Bose and Lunstrum 2014) – the use of this definition allows research subjects to interpret this form of migration broadly. For researchers, this definition helps to further delineate the topic and understand people’s views on environmental migration as well and consider this in their research. Additionally, the concepts used in this definition imply a wide approach to all kinds of terms used to refer to environmental changes (broad or narrowly defined) as well as types of migrants, for instance refugees, migrants, displaced persons, and so on (Zetter 2017). Thus, the use of this definition in this book has the advantage of being very comprehensive and of not having any legal repercussions. The inclusion of both sudden and progressive changes in the environment is also well-suited to conducting research in the Moroccan context.

1.2 The Moroccan Context

The book’s focus on Morocco is inspired by the ongoing environmental changes that occur at a rapid pace and associated policies on this topic, as well as by its very specific migration history in the last decades. Furthermore, the Moroccan research setting helps to discuss how a particular migration context and associated culture of migration (cf. Timmerman et al. 2014a, b; Timmerman 2008), as well as the exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity towards environmental change (see also IOM 2011; Wodon and Liverani 2014) interplay and influence perceived environmental changes, migration aspirations, and trajectories. The Moroccan case will be used to demonstrate the overarching and encompassing ways environmental factors – often induced by environmental changes – are very distinctly related to migration and how they affect groups differently. In doing so, this book approaches the interplay between migration and environmental change from a migration perspective in which environmental stressors are integrated.

Morocco is a country that has been highly affected by migration in the last century and which has established dense ties with Western countries, such as France and Belgium (Mahieu et al. 2017). These ties, partly rooted in colonial history and geographical proximity, have been strengthened throughout the last century by extensive migration (cf. Chap. 2: Belgium). Additionally, many regions in Morocco are increasingly confronted with problems of water scarcity, drought, and desertification over time. Despite the gradual nature of most of these environmental changes, more extreme and abrupt weather events occur simultaneously, such as snowfall in the desert or floods in dry regions or waterbeds (Sowers et al. 2011; De Haas and El Ghanjou 2000; Wodon and Liverani 2014; IPCC 2014). The overall impact of environmental changes is mainly visible, and therefore perceived, over time. Consequently, the causes of these changes cannot always be clearly attributed to environmental change but interact with other societal and human factors.

In sum, Morocco provides an interesting case study as some of its regions are more ‘vulnerable’ to the disruptive effects of environmental change than others while being simultaneously affected by distinct migration histories and dynamics (e.g., De Haas and El Ghanjou 2000; Wodon and Liverani 2014). In this book, two regions in Morocco that are highly affected by environmental change and out-migration, namely Tangier and Tinghir, are studied in greater depth (cf. Chaps. 5, 6, and 7) and connected to how migration trajectories and aspirations are linked to environmental changes by Moroccan migrants living in Belgium (cf. Chap. 8).

1.3 The Book’s Objectives

This book aims to offer the reader an interdisciplinary case study in which distinct aspects of environmental migration are readily linked to the broader social, economic, and political context, using insights from migration studies but also building further on existing research in cultural and political ecology. In doing so, both people living in regions of origin and in the new immigrant country are being asked about their migration aspirations.

First, the study of the interactions between migration research and environmental studies is still in its infancy. The migration approach is innovative as most previous studies sought to gain a better understanding of environmental migration in order to document and anticipate the legal issues related to this topic. For instance, this is the case of previous research focused on the recognition or categorization of ‘climate refugees or migrants’ (cf. Havard 2007; Stavropoulou 2008; Biermann and Boas 2008; Zetter 2011, 2017). Incorporating insights from migration research could help to better consider migration as one potential adaptation strategy or to see migration as a part of a wider (regional) climate change adaptation policy or both (Tacoli 2009; Gemenne and Blocher 2016; UNDP 2018). Furthermore, focusing on environmental migration sheds a new light on migration theories, since the entanglement between different migration drivers, internal migration dynamics, and processes of decision-making as a consequence of environmental changes are harder felt by people living in particular areas, e.g., African countries (Busby et al. 2014, 2010) and varies across social classes and gender (Sassen 2014; Busby et al. 2010, 2014; Vincent 2004; TGOFS 2011; Warner et al. 2012; Gioli and Milan 2018). Studying the differentiated impacts of environmental changes from a migration perspective is therefore necessary to fully understand the vulnerabilities of people living in areas heavily impacted by climate change and thus develop adequate and context-specific policies and responses.

Second, building further on some basic premises of cultural ecology, the aim of this book is to pay explicit attention to the perceptions of individuals and communities of people living in Morocco. This is done by taking into account people’s views on migration, environmental changes, and existing migration cultures, within the broader context of their beliefs on nature and worldviews as well as of their identities (Haenn and Wilk 2006). Incorporating local identities and views may be a well-developed idea and part of a rich tradition in sociology and anthropology, yet previous studies on environmental migration and displacement often seem to go ‘too fast’. By seeking to immediately see and study linkages between environmental changes and migration, there is a risk of forgetting, ignoring, or losing touch with the actual dynamics, hindrances, and patterns of human behaviour and resulting migration (or non-migration) trajectories. For instance, immobile groups may wish to migrate but are unable to do so as they lack resources and networks to put their desire into practice (Zickgraf 2018). Others do migrate but – again, due to limited resources and transnational networks – often travel first to nearby larger areas and conglomerates (Warner 2010), losing connection with their initial migration motivations. Similarly, religious beliefs and worldviews are often not considered when linking environmental changes with migration, thus underestimating the importance of such belief systems (Hand and Van Liere 1984; Salmón 2000; Van Petegem and Blieck 2006; Vining et al. 2008). According to insights in cultural ecology, the main aim is to put human nature and culture back into research on environmental migration.

A third way in which this book aims to be interdisciplinary is to also elaborate further on the main rationale behind political ecology, namely to study how environmental issues and changes are related to the broader political, economic, and social contexts. More specifically, in this field of research, attention is given to the interplay between social, political, economic, and environmental factors (Robbins 2012). The need to incorporate the context in which environmental migration occurs coincides with previous findings from migration research. People migrate for a complex set of reasons, and it is only when considering this intersection that one can fully grasp migration aspirations and pathways (Timmerman et al. 2014a). This may not only help to understand why people migrate, but also help to understand the pressures put on the local natural environment. More specifically, global processes, such as global markets and migration dynamics, and ongoing technological innovations and economic realities, can impact local life to a far-reaching extent (Robbins 2012). By applying a more regional approach to the study of environmental migration, the idea behind this book is to incorporate the broader context and interaction with this context in order to fully understand local processes.

To conclude, this Moroccan-Belgian case-study will be used to empirically demonstrate how environmental changes and the migration context interact, evolve in mutually dependent and gradual ways, and shape how future generations approach both themes. Applying a regional but also transnational approach to environmental migration allows us to delve deeper into the interplay of factors possibly contributing to environmental migration, providing further ideas on how future policymakers and academics can approach this topic.

1.4 How this Book Is Structured

The first part of the book presents the study’s theoretical and methodological background. Elaborating more on existing studies in the fields of migration and environmental change studies, we then introduce in the second chapter an overview of existing theories of migration and how research on environmental migration adds to these, and provide some theoretical reflections on the study of environmental migration and displacement. In doing so, we strive to present key ideas and theories on which the subsequent chapters are based and that allow us to understand how environmental changes may have a different impact on people living in a similar environment. We depart from the overview given by Castles et al. (2014) of theories of migration. Afterwards, we reflect upon findings derived from existing models on migration aspirations (i.e., Carling’s original and refined aspirations/ability model, Carling 2002; 2014; Carling and Schewel 2018; and the EUMAGINE model, Timmerman et al. 2010, 2014a) and discuss new theories and models on environmental migration (e.g., TGOFS 2011) to reconcile existing theories of migration with environmental migration. This overview will be used as a starting point for the further study of migration aspirations that integrates insights from migration and environmental studies. The use of these theoretical and methodological reflections on the study of environmental migration helps critically assess the ways in which the urgency and nature of environmental changes, corresponding adaptation strategies, feedback mechanisms, and so on, could hamper or accelerate issues related to the consequences of environmental changes, and finally, immigration interfaces.

The third chapter, ‘Environmental change and migration in Morocco: what has been done so far?’ (Loubna Ou-Salah and I, both affiliates of the Centre for Migration and Intercultural Studies of the University of Antwerp) provides an overview of the existing literature drawn from research conducted in Morocco on this topic. This chapter is divided into two sections, the first focusing on the migration history of Morocco and the second on environmental changes in Morocco. By doing so, we delve deeper into the hot topics in the academic literature and summarize the findings of existing studies in Morocco, delineating gaps in knowledge and areas of study. This chapter provides the reader with a clear overview of what has already been done, what still needs to be done, and the issues linked to this book’s main theme that have already been studied. This literature review helps the reader understand the difficulties in grasping how environmental change and migration are related to each other and also provides the reader with more detailed information about the Moroccan context.

Chapter 4 sets out the research settings and methods used in detail, considering the research context and used research design, the difficulties during the fieldwork, in both Morocco (by Lore Van Praag) and Belgium (by Elodie Hut), as well as researchers’ positionalities. More information is provided on the data analysis and collection processes, as well as on the available data on which subsequent chapters are based. This chapter provides useful insights into the methodological issues facing researchers when investigating in gradually-degrading areas affected by environmental change, into the very diverse ways environmental changes that may be linked to migration outcomes and dynamics, and how these relate to a particular context. Outlining the research methods used in both the Moroccan and Belgian case studies is needed to interpret the empirical studies presented in the second part of the book.

Indeed, the book’s latter half consists of empirical chapters on Morocco and Belgium. It focuses on the perceived relationship between environmental change and migration aspirations in Morocco, studying the linkages drawn by people living in both Tangier and Tinghir between environmental changes and migration. In the fifth chapter, ‘Perceptions and explanations of environmental change in Morocco’, attention is given to how inhabitants in Tangier and Tinghir perceive environmental changes in the Moroccan context and how this is explained by the study’s respondents. In this chapter, intraregional and interregional differences are discussed with regard to the perceptions of environmental change in Morocco. These differences are then connected to the respondents’ professional background and interactions with their immediate natural living environment, combined with other sociodemographic characteristics, and the extent to which they are informed and educated on environmental matters. These perceptions are linked to people’s approaches towards human relationships and worldviews.

In Chap. 6, ‘How environmental change relates to the development of adaptation strategies and migration aspirations’, inhabitants’ views on and explanations of environmental change will be linked to the perceived risks associated with environmental changes, thus contributing to a better understanding of how adaptation strategies are imagined and developed. This can help study and frame the perceived linkages between environmental changes and migration. These insights might nuance the prevailing academic and policy discourses in many Western countries, which often link environmental change and migration in a very robust way without considering the inputs and perspectives of the inhabitants of the discussed regions (e.g., previous IPCC discourses). Hence, it is important to fully understand which adaptation strategies people develop to deal with the impacts of environmental change and to examine the extent to which migration is consciously used as such an adaptation strategy or could be used as a valid adaptation strategy in the future.

Examining the perceived linkages between environmental change and migration is necessary to gain more insights into the overall migration dynamics characterizing these regions and the importance of environmental factors in migration aspirations and trajectories. Therefore, in a seventh chapter, the nexus between environmental changes, culture of migration and migration aspirations is discussed. This chapter compares the two studied settings in Morocco, namely Tangier and Tinghir, in greater depth. Tangier can be seen as the gate to Europe, as well as an attraction pole for internal migrants looking for jobs in this growing industrial city. Conversely, Tinghir has been the gate to the desert, receiving not only many internal migrants from the surrounding villages, but having also been traditionally the region of origin for many migrants who were recruited to go work in Western European countries such as Belgium and France. As both settings have very particular migration histories and established many national and transnational migrant networks over the last decades, this has also contributed to shaping the migration aspirations of the inhabitants to a large extent (De Haas 2010a). In line with previous research on migration aspirations and prevailing cultures of migration, migration is not automatically regarded as a positive thing, however, this varies across the studied region (cf. Timmerman et al. 2014b). Dependence on remittances and living conditions in the region of origin can especially determine the extent to which migration is desired. Networks also matter for sharing knowledge on environmental changes and prevailing discourses and may impact dependence on agricultural production. Hence, in this chapter, it is discussed how migration and the resulting cultures of migration further shape the adaptation strategies used to deal with environmental changes in each region studied.

In the eighth and final empirical chapter, the empirical contributions based on interviews conducted with people living in Morocco are connected with insights and views of migrants living in Belgium – an established migration destination for people living in Morocco. In this chapter, titled ‘Connecting environmental changes, migration causality and transnational practices. Insights from the Moroccan diaspora in Belgium’, Elodie Hut and Caroline Zickgraf of the University of Liège present the results of qualitative in-depth interviews conducted with Moroccan migrants living in Belgium, documenting their migration background in order to gain insight on their journeys. As it is unlikely that one could single out environmental changes as a key driver of migration to Belgium, this chapter provides an assessment of how migrants perceive the environment to have influenced their migration journey as well as how they perceive current environmental disruption in their communities of origin. This chapter specifically underlines the multi-causality of migration factors and stresses the interlinkages between environmental and socio-economic migration drivers of migration in natural resource-based economies. As remittances provide further evidence of the existence of strong transnational ties between Morocco and Belgium, this chapter also investigates the socio-economic and political conditions through which the transnational practices of migrants in Belgium can support the adaptation and resilience of their communities of origin affected by environmental changes. As such, this chapter complements the book’s earlier sections by looking at how similar themes are approached by transnational migrants living in Belgium. The focus on Belgium is of high relevance as it has been one of the countries to which many Moroccans have migrated since World War II, initially as labour migrants and later through family reunification procedures.

Finally, the last chapter summarizes and discusses the main findings uncovered throughout this volume. In doing so, we reflect upon the ways this case study of Morocco can shine a light on larger debates concerning environmental change and migration. The main aim is to challenge researchers and policymakers working on environmental migration, both inside and outside Morocco, to critically rethink their research methods, theories, ideas, and practices. The insights gained through this case study are used as a starting point to elaborate further on the difficulties arising from the migration-environmental change nexus. This chapter seeks to gain insight into the ongoing methodological and theoretical difficulties that occur when studying and designing policies aimed to address environmental migration. Hence, this Moroccan case study is used to illustrate the importance of a context-specific approach in policymaking as political, environmental, cultural, social, and economic factors interplay and impact migration aspirations and trajectories. In this final chapter, special attention is given to demonstrating how this particular case study can inspire future researchers when setting up new research in a different setting or when delving deeper into the Moroccan case. Concrete suggestions are made on how policies on environmental change could consider the social environment and migration histories, and on how the voices of the people involved can be included within these discourses. In this discussion section, it is important to reflect upon the added value of a sociological approach to environmental migration. This adds to the existing literature since it is often mentioned but hardly ever seriously considered that environmental changes affect different groups differently and does not always imply the possibility to adapt or to migrate. Considering that environmental changes reflect how societies are structured and function, policy recommendations are thus formulated bearing in mind the social and migration environment of regions highly affected by environmental changes.

To conclude, in this book, the authors strive to provide the reader with sufficient insights into particular aspects of the migration dynamics related to environmental changes in Morocco. Qualitative research conducted in both cities in Morocco as well as with Moroccan immigrants in Belgium demonstrate that the interplay between migration and environmental factors is not as straightforward as it seems due to its wider social, political, economic, demographic, and environmental context (see also TGOFS 2011). Hence, this book is innovative as this field of research only started to develop during the last decade and is driven by policymaking needs (McLeman and Gemenne 2018a). More empirical research is needed, as well as theory-development that adds to a better understanding of migration dynamics related to climate change effects (cf. Van Praag and Timmerman 2019). This is particularly important as most research approaches this topic from either a policy or a legal perspective, lacks in-depth empirical data, or both. Additionally, due to the relatively gradual degradation of the natural environment, attention has been given to environmental changes in Morocco (e.g., IPCC 2014, Driouech et al. 2010; Driouech 2010; Filahi et al. 2015; Nouaceur and Murărescu 2016; Knippertz et al. 2003; Born et al. 2008; Climate Expert 2019), but such studies have related it to a lesser extent to environmental migration and displacement. This book aims to provide future research and policymakers with more tools to understand the perceptions, needs, and adaptive capacity of groups that are heavily confronted with and affected by degrading environmental changes in their natural living environment.