Abstract
Donald Trump’s presidential campaign highlighted protectionism of US-born workers at a time of growing income inequality, racial tensions, and labor market polarization. Our study investigates if and how voters’ life circumstances affected election behavior between 2012 and 2016, and how voter behavior relates to compositional versus structural change of communities. We relate changes in the Republican vote share between 2012 and 2016 to demographic and economic characteristics of US counties and to rates of return (in terms of vote share) to these characteristics. We find that structural change in how local-level community attributes (most especially race) affect elections played a greater role between 2012 and 2016 than did differences in these community characteristics themselves. We find this more pronounced in battleground states, and in the presidential race as opposed to congressional ones.
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Notes
Republican presidential vote share in 2012 and in 2016 separately are depicted in Appendix Figures A1 and A2 in the ESM. Figure A3 in the ESM documents county-level majority switch behavior (e.g., moving from being Democratic party dominated to Republican dominated). Parallel figures illustrating Republican House of Representatives vote shares in 2012 and 2016 and county-level majority switches appear as Appendix Figures A4, A5, and A6 in the ESM.
A summary of supporting literature appears in Potrafke (2018).
County-level presidential and House election data were purchased from “Dave Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections” (www.uselectionatlas.org). The data in Shannon county in South Dakota is missing for all years.
Turnout data for North Dakota was not available at the time of this writing. Since registration practices differ by state, we note that some political science research uses the percentage of citizens in the voting age population who voted instead of turnout as defined in Dave Leip’s Atlas. The treatment of turnout as a control is consistent with recent political science research (e.g., Kostelka and Blais 2018), though we acknowledge that changes to the Republican vote share may relate to changes in voting behavior or in the selection of voters. Conditioning on the turnout rate could overcontrol for local economic and demographic attributes on the Republican vote share. If this holds, our conclusions in terms of structural change would be underestimated.
Data are accessed from https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/saipe.html.
Data are accessed from https://www.bls.gov/lau/#cntyaa.
For national analysis including all counties, we use ACS 5-year estimates. For example, 2016 estimates are constructed from surveys from 2012 through 2016. More details about 5-year constructions are at https://www.census.gov/history/www/programs/demographic/american_community_survey.html.
Data are accessed from https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2016/demo/popest/counties-detail.html.
Annual mortality risks by county and age groups are calculated by IHME using death registration data from the National Vital Statistics System. The data period is 1980 through 2014. We use 2014 data for the analysis of 2016 election. Data are accessed from http://ghdx.healthdata.org/us-data.
Other discrete choice models (i.e., Probit) yield similar results.
We identify Colorado, Florida, Iowa, Michigan, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Wisconsin as the battleground states in 2016 presidential election according to major media. Although there are some differences over time and across media outlets, these eleven states were consistently identified as battlegrounds. For example, the Washington Post: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2016/06/15/wonders-never-cease-utah-is-now-a-competitive-state-in-the-2016-presidential-election/?utm_term=.73c865bf9c42.
Given the strong bi-partisan nature of the presidential race (and also for the House), we expect our choice of modeling the Republican share as opposed to the Demographic one to be inconsequential. We tested the sensitivity of our results to his modeling choice and have confirmed that third party candidates did not largely impact margins (not shown).
Freund and Sidhu (2017) also document an association between the share of employment in the manufacturing and the change in the Republican vote share from 2012 to 2016 though their estimates would be more similar methodologically to the characteristic change component (which here is insignificantly different from zero) than the structural component which we separate in this research.
The House election data may have additional variance due to partisan politics at that level and the presence of landslides in races where candidates are not fielded equally across political parties.
Logit regression results for Republican party victories in presidential and House elections overall and across battleground and non-battleground states appear in Table A3 of the Appendix in the ESM.
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We thank Trevon Logan for the outstanding comments on an earlier draft as well as other conference and seminar participants and reviewers in various settings.
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Fan, M., Pena, A.A. Decomposing US Political Ideology: Local Labor Market Polarization and Race in the 2016 Presidential Election. J Econ Race Policy 4, 56–70 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41996-020-00056-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s41996-020-00056-z