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The Rule of Law Derailed: Lessons from the Post-Communist World

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Abstract

Twenty-five years after the fall of the Berlin wall the process of building the rule of law in post-Communist Europe is facing serious challenges. The analysis of this period clearly shows that organizing free and democratic elections is easier than creating constitutional democracy based on the rule of law. Rule-of-law institutions are often weak or underdeveloped, and hence fail to fulfill their essential function, i.e. to limit the abuse of uncontrolled state power. The current rule of law crisis in the region originates from certain structural features of the transition in Central and Eastern Europe. The single most important factor contributing to the current democratic setback is a failure of institutionalization of the rule of law and effective state institutions, which, together with democratic accountability, form modern liberal democracy. The reformers in the region too often neglected the importance of the ‘homegrown development’ and the need to adapt Western models to local conditions and needs. Many rule of law institutions created during the last 25 years need further reforms. It is time for real democratic deliberation and experimentation, which could usher in much needed institutional reforms in the region. In order to improve the rule-of-law institutions, we must not start from some idealized ‘best model’, but from the existing context in which these institutions function. New rule of law institutions in CEE may in the end resemble their Western models. But what is more important is that they actually work well for CEE, even if they look different than their Western counterparts.

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Notes

  1. As Martin Krygier argues, one of the deepest purposes of the rule of law is ‘the legal reduction of the possibilityof arbitrary exercise of power by those in a position to wield significant power. See Krygier (2011), p 75.

  2. Rupnik and Zielonka (2013), p 21.

  3. Müller (2014), p 15.

  4. Ibid., p 15.

  5. Diamond (2011), pp 19–23.

  6. Müller (2013), p 13.

  7. Fukuyama (2015), p 12.

  8. For a similar approach see Skapska (2011), particularly Chapter 5 'Dividing the Cake: The Constitutionalization of Economic Order', pp 185–212.

  9. Andrews et al. (2012), p 12.

  10. Easterly (2006), p 363.

  11. The term was coined by John Williamson in 1989. See Williamson (1989).

  12. More about this problem see Bergling et al. (2010), pp 171–202.

  13. Trubek (2006), p 86.

  14. Sherman (2009), p 1264.

  15. Orenstein (2013).

  16. Amsden et al. (1994), p 119.

  17. Mungiu-Pippidi (2011), pp 13–14

  18. Krygier and Czarnota (2006), pp 299–340.

  19. Cameron (2003), p 29.

  20. Kennedy (2013), pp 44–45

  21. Ibid., p 46.

  22. Batory (2012), p 66

  23. Orenstein (2013), p.375

  24. Bánkuti et al. (2012), p 268.

  25. Greskovits (2015), p 32. The composite index is based on the Bertelsmann index of democratic transformation, Freedom House data on the freedom of the press, the World Bank’s Voice and Accountability and Political Stability and Absence of Violence Indices, and data on the vote share of radical right-wing parties (Greskovits 2015, at p. 31).

  26. See Sects. 3.2 and 3.3.

  27. Unger (1996), p 7.

  28. Hall and Soskice (2001).

  29. Teubner (1998), p 12.

  30. Ibid., p 12.

  31. Andrews et al. (2012), p 2.

  32. Bossaert and Demmke (2003), p 15.

  33. Verheijen (2003), p 491.

  34. Czarnota (2009), p 330.

  35. Avbelj (2014), Avbelj (2015).

  36. For a very illustrative account of shallow internalization of legal norms and institutions in the post-communist world, see Galligan (2003), pp 1–23.

  37. Tismaneanu (2007), p 37.

  38. Rodrik (2008), p 100.

  39. Haggard et al. (2008), p 233.

  40. Birdsall and Fukuyama (2011), p 53.

  41. Scheppele (2013), p 562.

  42. Fukuyama (2013), p 347.

  43. Ginsburg (2011), p 272.

  44. Fukuyama (2010), p 36.

  45. Palombella (2010).

  46. Fukuyama (2015), p 16.

  47. Armour (2012).

  48. Berend (2003), p 235.

  49. Berend (1998), p 301.

  50. Fukuyama (2014), pp 199–204.

  51. Elster et al. (1998).

  52. Skapska (2009), p 289.

  53. Skapska’s insights have been recently confirmed by a sociological study. See Hamm et al. (2012), p 295–324.

  54. The verb ‘Hvatat’ in Russian means ‘to grab’ or ‘steal’.

  55. Bohle and Greskovits (2012); King (2007).

  56. Ekiert (2015), p 330.

  57. Id., p 331.

  58. Id., p 332.

  59. Id., p 332.

  60. Ekiert and Ziblatt (2013), p 103. Contrast Ekiert and Ziblatt’s approach with the overly deterministic approach of Becker and Woesssmann (2013), who argue that being a part of the Habsburg Empire created a long-lasting legacy of formal institutions in those parts of Central and Eastern Europe which were part of the Empire.

  61. Fukuyama (2010), p. 41.

  62. Id., p. 43.

  63. Fukuyama (2015), p. 17.

  64. Edy (2014).

  65. Berend (1998), pp 300–301.

  66. See Grabbe (2001), pp 1013–1031.

  67. Blokker (2010).

  68. Berman (2007), p 38.

  69. Mungiu-Pippidi (2006), pp 90–91.

  70. Fukuyama (2014), p 212.

  71. Hirschl (2006), pp 721–753.

  72. Ganev (2009), p 270.

  73. Blokker (2010), p 20.

  74. Mungiu-Pippidi (2006), p 86.

  75. Batory (2012), p 9.

  76. Id., p 78.

  77. Gulyas (2013).

  78. Banac (2015), p 655.

  79. Gramsci (2011).

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Bugaric, B. The Rule of Law Derailed: Lessons from the Post-Communist World. Hague J Rule Law 7, 175–197 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40803-015-0016-4

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