Introduction

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander teacher assistants are central to the teaching and learning experiences in education settings. Their multi-faceted role includes providing culturally appropriate support for Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander students’ learning and wellbeing, working closely with teachers to develop culturally relevant resources and programmes and implementing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander perspectives and knowledges (Armour, 2016). AEOs play a crucial brokerage role between the school and the local Aboriginal community, and this can be complex (Pearce, 2011). Nationally since the 1950s, there have been various titles for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander teacher assistants, including Indigenous education workers and Aboriginal education assistants; however, in this paper, Aboriginal Education Officers (AEOs) will be used. The term Indigenous has been used interchangeably with Aboriginal within this paper. The authors recognise that Aboriginal peoples prefer to be known by their language group; however, to ensure the confidentiality of the participants, this was not possible. Furthermore, throughout Australian policy, Indigenous is used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. For this study, there were no Torres Strait Islander participants, however, Torres Strait Islander peoples do have roles as AEOs.

Since their inception, the formal responsibilities of AEOs have changed. The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy (1989) set out 21 long-term goals under the following aims:

  • Involvement of Aboriginal people in educational decision-making

  • Equality of access to educational services

  • Equity of educational participation

  • Equitable and appropriate education outcomes (Department of Education and Training [DET] 1989, p. 1).

A key mechanism to achieve these goals was to increase the number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people employed in the education system (DET, 1989). Central to this was a call for Aboriginal people to be employed in schools to engage with the community in teaching culture, history and languages (DET, 1989). Three decades on, the trajectory of change assumed by the implementation of this policy has not been met despite social, educational, political and community issues and needs changing vastly. For example, despite the increasing presence of Indigenous people in schools, there continues to be limited opportunity for AEOs to be included in designing and implementing curriculum in the classroom (Bishop, 2021); having little opportunity in educational decision-making. It is accepted that AEOs are ideally employed to integrate cultural knowledge in the classroom context under teachers' directions (Armour, 2016). However, confusion about their roles beyond this persists among AEOs, principals and teachers (Price et al., 2017), as there is no uniform approach to how schools work with AEOs.

According to the Statement of Duties – AEO (2019), the main components of an AEO’s role in New South Wales (NSW) are:

  • work with teachers to assist Aboriginal students in all school activities, including excursions, discuss with Aboriginal parents the educational progress of their children, identify and develop resources to support the learning outcomes of Aboriginal students, assist in the development and implementation of personalised learning plans for Aboriginal students, support Aboriginal cultural awareness for all students with particular reference to Aboriginal students and help maintain effective relationships between Aboriginal students, Aboriginal parents, the Aboriginal community and school staff,

  • work as part of a school team to support students to undertake the provision of first aid and administration of medications for students as required, in relation to their school participation and programmes and in relation to their attendance and retention, and

  • other duties as required by the principal or delegate (NSW DET, 2019).

However, the duties in these statements are broad and vague, making them open to interpretation (Price et al., 2017). In 2019, a minor addition to the role included that AEOs are now required to undertake the provision of first aid and administer medications for students (NSW DET, 2019). This adds responsibility to the AEO’s role regarding medical safety for students. In addition to this, in 2019 the AEO statement removed the note included in the 2010 version that referred to AEOs not accepting responsibility for classroom management and controlling playground supervision or teaching students (NSW DET, 2010). Furthermore, there is no explicit instruction in the role statement that AEOs will be involved in behaviour management.

The national agreement on Closing the Gap (2020) has education targets including improving reading, writing and numeracy benchmarks and improving attendance and retention of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. This national agreement (2020) promotes the inclusion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voices, perspectives, and knowledges to overcome the inequality experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and improve student’s educational experiences at school. There are limited studies that have considered the experiences of Indigenous people’s voices in education systems and the challenges and successes they experience when trying to meet the demands of policy, role statements and strategies in Western education systems (Shay & Wickes, 2017) and the initial experiences of AEOs in schools from their perspective. Evidence has shown that AEOs are key contributors to Indigenous educational outcomes (Andersen et al., 2015; Peacock & Prehn, 2019), however, at times some of this research has only included the voices of non-Indigenous teachers, policy makers and researchers (Armour, 2016) meaning that AEOs’ voices have generally remained unheard, and this privileges insights into AEOs’ roles from a non-Indigenous perspective. In particular, how AEOs understand their role, what they do in this role, the support they provide for schools, the experiences they have had in schools and how they switch between two knowledge systems (Indigenous and Western) when working in school contexts. This paper gives voice to the perspectives of AEOs when they were initially employed in their schools. It presents the challenges they face working at the cultural interface (two knowledge systems) in the education system and provides a deeper understanding for schools and policy makers.

Aboriginal education officer’s role

Principals and school leadership teams generally define the tasks AEOs perform, and this is often informed by what they view their school needs. This means the AEOs role is diverse and complex as they can be involved in making decisions around curriculum, building local cultural capacity in the school, building relationships in the local community or tending to menial tasks (Andersen et al., 2015; Peacock & Prehn, 2019; Rose, 2015). Even though AEOs are employed to provide classroom support, because of the variety and diversity of tasks they are assigned, they often spend very little time in the classroom (Armour, 2016). This has contributed to teachers and school leadership teams not understanding and knowing what skills AEOs have (Andersen et al., 2015; Rose, 2015). In other instances, AEOs are assigned roles such as communicating between the school and local community, cultural experts and participating in behaviour management (Andersen et al., 2015).

AEOs are frequently expected to make high-level management decisions, particularly regarding complex student behaviours (MacGill, 2012; Peacock & Prehn, 2019; Price et al., 2017; Rose, 2015), which can cause complexities between AEOs and the community (Peacock & Prehn, 2019). The breadth and depth of the AEOs’ role can be extreme, and this applies pressure on the AEO, as making high-level management decisions may not be something they are prepared for. MacGill (2012) positions this as AEOs working in the “border zones” between the values of schools (that represent non-Indigenous communities) and the expectation of Indigenous communities. At times, AEOs can feel as though they are “caught” between the community and the school as they are working at the cultural interface (Armour, 2016; Guenther & Osborne, 2020) and can often have extra pressures applied by the community in complex situations with Aboriginal students and school leaders or teachers (MacGill, 2012). Too often, this work is unseen and uncounted, and the Indigenous voice is undervalued and unheard (Peacock & Prehn, 2019; Shay & Wicks, 2017).

Nakata (2007) refers to the cultural interface as where knowledge systems (Indigenous and Western) converge. It is a multifaceted and multilayered space full of contradictions and struggle for equal relationships. It has complex and shifting intersections between different people and their histories, experiences, agendas and aspirations (Nakata, 2007). However, often Western knowledge is prioritised in the curriculum, and non-Indigenous teachers and students work minimally at the cultural interface, with AEOs and Indigenous students having to work constantly at the cultural interface (Nakata, 2007). Generally, in Western school systems, Indigenous knowledges and experiences are often positioned and referred to as “other”, and Western knowledge systems are the dominant form of knowledge (Nakata, 2007). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have had sophisticated local knowledge systems in pharmaceuticals, ecology, geography, farming and social systems for over 65,000 years (Bishop, 2021). These knowledge systems are taught through highly effective teaching and learning practices in place, which sustained human and non-human communities (Bishop et al., 2019).

While schools have employed AEOs, there continues to be a disparity in the relationship between non-Indigenous teachers and AEOs (MacGill, 2012; Price et al., 2017; Warren Cooper & Baturo, 2010). This disparity could result from interpersonal racism, and this has an impact on the AEOs’ role which could lead to burnout (Bodkin-Andrews & Carlson, 2016). Some behaviours and barriers that align with interpersonal racism include exhibiting condescension, aggressive, gaslighting, or unconstructive behaviours directed toward people of colour; hoarding power, opportunity, promotion, or resources and not celebrating, commending, or recognising the work of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Moodie et al., 2019). Interpersonal racism accepts dominant white norms and privileges them and this in turn reinforces systemic racism (Hall, 2018). Moreton-Robinson (2015) identifies that Indigenous people often have to negotiate power imbalances in their roles and are subjected to do tasks because of structural deficits between Indigenous people and the rest of Australian society. Evidence has shown non-Indigenous teachers’ perception of the role of AEOs predominantly relates to behaviour management and not to support Indigenous students learning aspirations and achievements (Armour, 2016). This suggests that AEOs are generally granted authority over managing students’ behaviour and not over student learning activities, demonstrating within the hierarchy that teaching control is valued much more than behaviour management (Andersen et al., 2015). There are other examples in the literature of how AEOs are utilised in schools. These include:

  • supervising individuals or small groups of students

  • providing support and advice to schools and teachers on the management programme of students at risk, under the supervision of relevant professionals

  • providing knowledge and understanding of the history, language and culture within the classroom, school and community that promotes respect, understanding and harmony,

  • offering expertise in parental and cultural matters, providing input to curriculum resources, conducting orientation for new staff, and

  • improving the security and confidence of students

(Peacock & Prehn, 2019; Price et al., 2017).

While training is often provided for many AEOs, it is suggested that specific training is also needed for teachers working alongside AEOs (Andersen et al., 2015; Armour et al., 2016). This is to enable development of positive relationships between AEOs and teachers and potentially also enabling improvement in teachers’ attitudes towards AEOs (MacGill & Blanch, 2013).

Indigenous research perspectives

The data collected examining the AEO role has often centred on the non-Indigenous perspective, whether this is as the researcher or as the subject (non-Indigenous teachers) (Armour, 2016). Keeping in mind the cultural interface, this research has value, but it does mean the evidence base is incomplete. To be able to gain a full picture of the role of AEOs, research which centres the Indigenous viewpoint needs to be undertaken. Employing a decolonised approach to research can overcome this by placing the Indigenous voice central to the research both as co-designers and participants (Smith, 2021). The study presented in this paper is led by an Aboriginal researcher and all yarning sessions and data analysis were completed by the Aboriginal researcher to ensure ethical, fair, and culturally safe research was completed (Andersen et al., 2015). This approach provides opportunity for the AEOs to share their perspectives through an Aboriginal lens.

Researcher positionality

The authors acknowledge the Traditional Custodians of the land in which this study took place, the Bundjalung nation.

Danielle: I pay my respects to my ancestors from Kamilaroi Country in which my cultural links are through my paternal Grandmother. I respect Elders past and present that have paved the way for Aboriginal peoples. Acknowledging and paying respects to Country and Elders is to locate myself first as an Aboriginal woman and secondly as a researcher for this study. I am currently working and researching ‘off Country’.

Jodie: I am a first generation Australian with no Indigenous heritage. My mother is Irish, and my father is English, and both of my parents arrived in Australia in the 1970s. I understand and acknowledge that my own culture deeply influences the world around me, however, those views are not a defining assessment.

When working together as researchers in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education we are committed towards giving voice to AEOs, particularly as the education system in Australia is dominated by Western worldviews and knowledges. We acknowledge the wisdom and knowledge shared by the AEOs in the study.

Methods

This data presented is part of a larger study that examines AEOs working at the cultural interface. In this paper, we are reporting on AEOs’ initial experiences working in schools. This research seeks to answer if the AEO statement of duties (2010) is aligned with the lived experience of the AEO, particularly when they initially started in their role using the research question ‘How do AEOs define their experiences and describe their roles as an educator in a Western system?’ Ethics was approved by Australian Catholic University [201454Q] and NSW Department of Education. The Aboriginal Education Consultative Group (AECG) also gave permission for the researchers to collect data from AEOs. The AECG gives an insight into Aboriginal education and provides advice and support on all matters relevant to Aboriginal education and training in NSW.

Narrative case study

To be able to understand AEOs view of their role and what they did in this role when they first started their jobs as educators, a narrative case study approach was applied. Narrative case study methodology lends itself to the construction of stories and “captures” complex situations (Creswell, 2012). Employing a narrative case study provided a platform to give insights into the lives of the AEOs being studied and the retelling of their story.

Participants and data gathering strategies

Strong Indigenous research should be conducted in collaboration with the participants and not on them (Smith, 2021). This way a connection can be made between the researcher’s thinking and the experiences of the people involved in the research. There were two male and two female AEOs from schools geographically located in northern NSW and were purposively selected as they were permanent full-time employees working in schools with an Indigenous student cohort of 13% of the total enrolment. Two of the AEOs in this study are Traditional Custodians and were AEOs working on Country (AEO2 and AEO3). For this project ‘on Country’ is defined as individuals working on the Country they are from and thus have a deep connection with the place through ancestors (Marika et al., 2009). Country shapes interactions and understandings as Aboriginal people (Bawaka et al., 2015 p. 457) and it is more than just the land it is also linked to identity. There are different protocols for people who do not have ancestral links to the area they live in. We call this living ‘off Country’. AEO1 and AEO4 were both working ‘off Country’, this means that they cannot make decisions without consultation with Traditional Custodians for people on that Country. Table 1 outlines the gender of the AEO and whether they were working on Country or off Country and the timeframe they had been employed in their role.

Table 1 AEO Demographics
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Data collection strategies

Three individual yarning sessions with AEOs were used to collect data and investigated the beliefs, attitudes, and understandings of AEOs regarding (a) their role in the school, (b) complexities faced in their roles and (c) how their roles had changed over time. The yarning sessions were audio recorded and data collected was transcribed. Yarning is an Indigenous research method and protocols are followed. It is a style of discussion which addresses power and equalises participation through a culturally familiar and responsive way (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010). Yarning requires the researcher to move from a position of lead to a position of reflection which demonstrates respect for cultural protocols, knowledge, and process (Andersen et al., 2015).

Data analysis

This study adopted two systematic approaches to the analysis of data: content analysis and constant comparative methods. Content analysis is the process of summarising the messages and contents of the data collected (Creswell, 2012). The analysis involves coding words, identifying constructs, themes, and sub-themes to interpret the way AEOs understood their roles. Table 2 provides a sample of the content analysis.

Table 2 Sample of content analysis; yarning session one
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Constant comparative method (Cresswell, 2012) was used to generate knowledge and theory about common themes that arose in the AEO yarning sessions. This method enabled the researcher to focus on generating a theory from collected data. Open, axial and selective coding of the yarning session transcripts was also used. The open coding allowed the researcher to identify similarities and differences to create preliminary categories and then selective coding was used to study the interrelationships between the codes to determine theories and a “storyline” was developed which integrated the categories identified at the axial-coding phase (Creswell, 2012). Member checking was used and AEOs each checked data gathered from yarning sessions to see if it had been analysed and interpreted correctly. The researcher interpreted the stories shared from AEOs and created a story of their journeys. AEOs confirmed the interpretation of the original shared stories was true and accurate.

Limitations

A key limitation to this case study is that it used schools located in regional northern NSW with an average 13% cohort of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. This means that the generalisation of the data is limited, however, these are the stories of four AEO’s experiences of working in a Western education system in NSW. The AEOs’ experiences discussed in this paper refer to the first two years of working in the role.

Findings: Aboriginal education officers voices

The following case studies unpack the stories shared by AEOs about their roles and what they were expected to do when they first started at their schools. They also explore how they felt in their schools.

When the AEOs in this study started working in their role they were often overwhelmed with the roles and tasks that they were taking on. There was no training for the tasks they were completing, and they were not in the statement of duties. While the support of principals varied, AEOs often completed the tasks because they did not have the courage, confidence or opportunity to challenge both principals and teachers. AEO1 and AEO4 never questioned any of the jobs they were given when they first started even if they did not agree that they should be doing them. Some of the tasks AEOs were asked to do when first starting in their roles included taking suspension letters to student’s families at their home, being involved in meetings when Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students were returning from suspension, as well as looking after and caring for their well-being. They often tended to the tasks required during their lunch breaks.

I think when I started here the expectation was that I had to be everywhere at once all the time. I felt that he [the principal at the time] expected me to be the disciplinarian of the Aboriginal kids when they stepped out of line. You know he asked me to do lunch duty, but he was mindful that it was illegal to put me on the playground duty role. So, he said, ‘Can you go out with the kids at lunchtime and have your lunch afterwards?’ But then the kids would muck up after lunch. Then he would come and get me, and I would have to go back out. So, a lot of the time I would only get a 10-minute break the whole day. (AEO1)

AEOs were addressing behaviour management with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students without any other support in place for the AEOs themselves or their students. When first starting in their roles there was no explanation as to what the role actually required. Although, AEO3’s role was articulated by the principal when he started it was not clear whether behaviour management would be part of the role.

When I first started, my principal was pretty clear that I wasn’t just an aide. I was here as a bit of a community liaison person and a welfare sort of person for the kids. But when I did come, I did have a timetable and I was put on with a literacy group of a morning, and then in a 3/4 class in the afternoon but that was flexible. I wasn’t required to be in those places at those times if I had other things to do. They were happy for me to go and do that. (AEO3)

Although AEO3’s role was described by the principal, it was hard for him to prioritise what tasks to tend to. When AEO3 started in his position he did not realise the many different aspects of the role that he would undertake. He underestimated the well-being part of the role but moved into it easily.

Well, when I started, I thought I would be very much an aide in the classroom with the Koori kids but also knew that I had roles in the community as well. I figured I was expected just to be in classrooms to assist students in there and also attend Aboriginal education meetings, welfare meetings, AECG meetings, liaise with community and liaise with parents. I didn’t really think much about welfare when I came into it but that came naturally, I suppose. (AEO3)

The AEO role has many dimensions, including the ability to respond and adapt, so an AEO is required to be responsive and reflexive. The role and expectations that AEO3 had when he started were significantly different to AEO4. Like the other AEOs, AEO4 had the task of looking after Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander student well-being and behaviour management. However, he had not had any training in this area and had not had time to develop relationships with the students at the school to feel confident in providing support for them.

My first day here I remember the Deputy Principal was a lady teacher, Mrs. Allen (pseudonym). She sat down and read me the riot act first thing. She was a bit of an old school lady. She had really old ways of teaching and things. My first lesson in a classroom was in a Kindy. I was sitting there observing for about an hour and got bored. So, I said, ‘Can I do something?’ And she said, ‘You can sharpen pencils.’ I got right into sharpening pencils because I knew the kids wanted sharp pencils all the time. I always checked the containers to make sure there was the right number of pencils in it. [Then I was asked to] do their [students] reading booklets. I’d go to the photocopy room and got shown how to do that. How to staple, collate and all that sort of stuff. That was my first job. And talking to the kids when they had problems. Like I was sort of [involved with the] well-being the Goori (Aboriginal) kids. They’d [the teachers would] say, ‘Well you’re the Aboriginal person you go and sort them out.’ And I’d be like, ‘Yeah well okay. I don’t really know the children, but I will try.’ After many attempts of doing that sort of stuff I got the knack of it after a while, and I am not too bad at negotiating with children to come back to class. (AEO4)

In the beginning, AEO4 felt as though he was only at the school to babysit the children who misbehaved. They had him locating children around the school, trying to comfort and help them to settle back into class. There was a high demand on him to return students to their classrooms and he found that this task was often very difficult.

Well as an AEO I felt like I was babysitting. It sort of felt like I was just babysitting the children. Putting lids on hot pots or boiling pots. On kids that were getting pressured or stressed out over their work. I would sit with those guys and try and support them, help them calm [down] and hopefully do their work.… Mainly supporting the children who take off out of the classroom. Hiding in trees, hiding under buildings that sort of thing. My job was to find them, relocate them and look for them. And then try and persuade them to go back into class. (AEO4)

As AEO4 got to know the students the task to get them back into the classroom became easier. However, he too was running all over the school like AEO1. While he tried to stick to a timetable it did not always work out because he would often be sorting out other issues. He was working in many different areas and was being called to attend to issues all over the school at different times.

When I first started here, I got a timetable. I think it lasted two weeks. I ended up tearing it up because it wasn’t working. I couldn’t be in a class at certain time because certain things were happening. Like just after play time, you would be dealing with things for half an hour sometimes an hour. I just can’t make it to class. I said [to the principal], ‘Mate this isn’t working, and I tore it up in front of him. He said, ‘Well.’ And I said, ‘Well it’s not going to work this term so maybe next term we can try.’ But after I got to know the kids, and once they got familiar with me in my role and who I was, over time it just got a lot easier working as the AEO. (AEO4)

The multi-dimensional role that AEOs have requires flexibility around attending certain timetabled lessons. Another factor AEO4 recognised was the importance of building relationships with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. While the reasons for sitting outside and talking to the students were not good it helped to break down barriers with the students. AEO4 built his rapport with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students by sitting out in the playground and deliberately yarning with them during lunchtimes. This allowed him to get the know the students. He would talk to them about their families and make connections to his family, so they knew who he was. This strategy helped to build rapport with students but the relationships with staff was not building and AEO4 felt excluded as a staff member.

I do [go into the staffroom] but in saying that I never did when I first started. I used to sit out with the kids on my little table and chair. They used to have these little plaques on the table with teacher’s name inscribed. So, I wasn’t going to sit there. Then one day one of the female teachers asked me, ‘Why do you sit down there?’ and I said, ‘No one has asked me to sit at the table.’ She said, ‘Really you shouldn’t have waited to be asked.’ About a month later all the little plaques were off the table. 1 sit at the same spot now. I have for years. I sit where I can see everybody and then when people walk into the staff room, they are greeted by me because I am the first to see them. (AEO4)

The simple gesture of being asked to come and sit in the staff room made AEO4 feel included as a staff member even though it was only by one teacher. By them asking, made AEO4 feel more welcome in the staffroom. Furthermore, AEO1 also felt isolated and excluded when she first started at her school. She often felt as though she could not voice her ideas and when she did, they were disregarded.

At the beginning when I first became an AEO I felt as though I was put in a box all the time. Even though I had lots of different ideas you was [sic] still being put in a box. (AEO1)

The AEOs expressed that while in general Aboriginal and non-Indigenous staff were able to be collegial, there was a clear application of stereotypes from the non-Indigenous staff to Aboriginal staff. AEOs felt that there was an undertow of racism and AEO1 felt as though she could not voice her opinion. This stemmed from witnessing that Aboriginal education was not a priority in the school.

When I first started up there you can tell by people’s attitudes, body language and vibes. For instance, there were no Aboriginal education meetings when we started. Aboriginal education I felt wasn’t a priority. So, there was no Aboriginal education team, there was no encouragement to go to AECG meetings, there was just like a core group of people where you could really feel the dislike towards the kids. You know I had one kid, she used to get in trouble all the time and it felt that no one was listening to her story. You know you’re just guilty as charged because of who you are. (AEO1)

Aboriginal staff members at AEO1’s school felt they were always in for a battle when it came to supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. Furthermore, it was clear that specific non-Indigenous staff held racist attitudes towards Indigenous students. AEOs gave evidence of racism they observed in the school including excluding Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander staff from general conversations and not engaging in Aboriginal education issues. Often AEO1 would feel that she had to go in and fight for the students. AEO1 saw herself as the Aboriginal students’ voice in her school so she would get defensive of her students if they were not being treated fairly. Furthermore, if she could feel the racism, Indigenous students probably could too, but they were powerless to do anything about it.

Discussion

From the findings, three notable themes emerged. First, AEOs’ roles were not clearly outlined when they started. Often AEOs were being asked to do tasks that did not align with the statement of duties and the power was left to the principal to decide on what the AEO was to complete in their role. The tasks that AEOs completed ranged from menial to complex with the complex tasks such as behaviour management, discipline and engaging with community. These tasks are complex as AEOs are often working between the education system and community and often do not have training in this area to deal with the complexity required to manoeuvre between the two. Further these complexities lie in the impact the decisions made in this role have on Aboriginal students and community. This adds extra pressure on AEOs as they ensure students are well cared for, safe, and supported while meeting the needs of the education system and local community which can be at odds at times. This is demanding and goes beyond the scope that is described in the statement of duties and puts AEOs in a position where they are completing tasks that they are not paid or qualified to do (Peacock & Prehn, 2019). Further to this, AEOs are often viewed by Indigenous communities as being more approachable than teachers, however, they do not have the authority to make decisions (Warren et al., 2010) and any ideas communicated may not be heard (AEO1). Additionally, often these complex tasks were completed with no support from principals or teachers and AEOs became overwhelmed with fixing all things that included Indigenous education (Hogarth, 2019). School leaders need to be aware of the extra workload AEOs complete and should provide support to AEOs in Indigenous education (Hogarth, 2019). The constant demands and interruptions from teachers and principals made it difficult for AEOs to complete tasks and demonstrates an underlying hindering issue in policy and the statement of duties (Hall, 2018). As this role is for an identified position, it is perceived that the lack of clarity could link to racism and puts AEOs in a vulnerable position (Shay et al., 2022). If AEOs’ roles were clearly defined in the outset and in policy, then this vulnerability could be addressed and the problem of AEOs having to address all Aboriginal education matters could be eliminated. This would help to minimise heavy workloads and stress, often caused by lack of role clarity as well as allowing AEOs to focus on what their actual role is. While this is a contemporary study, Gower (2011) found that the clarity of role statements and heavy workloads were an issue for AEOs, this implies that this is an old problem that still needs to be addressed.

Second, AEOs were often required to provide behaviour management strategies to students without forming relationships. This proved difficult to begin with as a key aspect of the AEO’s role is to build relationships with the community and students (MacGill, 2012; Shay et al., 2022). Further, it demonstrates that some teaching staff see the AEO role as being one of control over Indigenous students, which is not the intended role. This interpretation of the role undervalues AEOs and can make them feel as though they are caught between the two opposing narratives as they are required to work in partnership with the teaching staff and support students. Aligning with Indigenous ways, the AEOs built relationships with students through yarning in the lunch breaks so they could make links to family and a relational bond could be made. This helped with behaviour management as AEOs had no formal training in this area and had to create their own strategies. Once the relationships strengthened AEOs found it easier to support students. Professional learning should have been made available to AEOs, so they did not have to come up with their own behaviour management strategies and to increase AEOs confidence in what they are implementing. (Andersen et al., 2015; Armour, et al., 2016). Working between Aboriginal communities and school communities is complex as there are two knowledge systems to work between (Nakata, 2007) and AEOs cannot fix all things in Aboriginal education. Furthermore, this demonstrates that AEOs’ value was not as the knowledge holder but as the carer, and this creates a power imbalance and barriers which prevent AEOs from completing their tasks as stated in the statement of duties (Hall, 2018). Leadership and teacher professional learning working in partnership with AEOs could help alleviate some of this power imbalance so that AEOs can be seen as the leaders that they are (Armour, 2016).

Third, when working at the cultural interface both knowledge systems should be on a level playing field. This study indicates the knowledge systems were not at an equal level of power. Nakata (2007) believes that when power balances are level then the cultural interface will work. Furthermore, it is evident through data, that there seemed to be an undertow of racism and staff had stereotypical views in some of the schools (Hogarth, 2019). Racism from co-workers and a lack of respect for culturally appropriate practices can lead to a culturally unsafe work environment, poor mental health and burnout (Bodkin-Andrews & Carlson, 2016). AEOs believe they were subjected to interpersonal racism from some co-workers. This was evident in the silencing of voices (AEO1) and the exclusive behaviours (AEO1 & AEO4). Moreton-Robinson (2015) notes that many Aboriginal people experience differential treatment compared to their non-Indigenous colleagues. Schools are a system that grew out of colonial oppression of Aboriginal peoples and school leaders and teachers need to ensure that school is an inclusive space not just for students but also, Aboriginal staff (Hogarth, 2019; Moreton-Robinson, 2015). In the participating schools the cultural interface was dominated by Western knowledges so Aboriginal voices were often not heard or taken into consideration (Shay & Wicks, 2017). As these teachers challenge relationships of power, enactments of agency and resistance emerge creating tensions at the cultural interface. Furthermore, this reflects a hierarchical attitude that does, perhaps inadvertently, devalue the contributions AEOs may be able to make to student learning (Nakata, 2007).

Conclusion

The voices of AEOs in this study provided insight into the roles they played in schools when they first started in their roles. In alignment with Gower’s (2011) review, AEOs’ roles are still not clearly defined, and it is evident that they are still completing tasks outside their training and experience. While AEOs are completing roles that are not defined in their statement of duties, and generally extra duties there is still no opportunity for promotion. Of significant concern is that the stories reflected in these case studies mirror experiences of AEOs beyond NSW and over a long period of time. Governments of all levels in Australia are currently examining roles and workloads in part to address workforce shortages. The AEO roles must be examined during this process to ensure that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students are supported in schools. The National Agreement on Closing the Gap is to enable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to overcome inequality through partnerships with Indigenous peoples. Having AEOs in schools being able to complete their roles without multiple barriers can help improve outcomes for Indigenous students as well as guide teachers on how to implement Indigenous perspectives into content and to enact closing the gap. If policy makers and government departments were to explore improving conditions for AEOs it could play an important role in growing the teacher workforce due to the experience that they have in schools. There is potential for AEOs to be key contributors but there are many barriers that hinder their ability to improve student outcomes however, the lack of time due to tending to other multifaceted tasks minimises time for academic support. The stories in this paper are from the first two years that AEOs were employed in their role, however, it cannot be assumed that they will continue to experience the same challenges the more experienced they become. Nevertheless, there are multiple concerns that schools and education systems need to address for AEOs to feel culturally safe and respected, as well as have the ability and time to be able to do their described role.