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Fisheries and food security in Timor-Leste: the effects of ritual meat exchanges and market chains on fishing

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Abstract

Timor-Leste fishers use simple fishing techniques, boats and equipment, and the fishery sector presents a unique opportunity to promote an environmentally sustainable pattern of fishery resource management. Timor-Leste has one of the highest rates of chronic malnutrition in the world, and fish could provide the needed protein, vitamins, and micronutrients. Here, I describe the models of production, distribution, and marketing of fish, and the consumption patterns of animal proteins. I discuss how ritual meat exchanges and marketing constraints influence the current economic strategies of fishing households. As a result, I suggest that in order to animate the sector, development policy should promote domestic fish consumption instead of general production along with investment and management of ice distribution systems.

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Notes

  1. See the works of Edyvane et al. (2009b), Edyvane et al. (2009a), Anderson and Deutsch (2001), Barnett, Dessai, and Jones (2003, 2007), Barnett (2003), Kirono (2010), Wasson (2001), Boggs et al. (2009), Alongi and De Carvalho (2008), Alongi et al. (2012),

  2. On the localized overfishing in specific areas of the District of Dili see the works of Deutsch (2003), Wong and Chou (2004). General overviews accounting for the good shape of the coastal and marine resources can be found Hodgson (1999), Sandlund et al. (2001), Alves (2007), Weber (2008).

  3. The Regional Fisheries Livelihoods Program (RFLP) supported first National Census of Fishers and Boats recorded 4,723 sea fishers. These data do not include fish traders and other fish workers, such as fish processors, inshore fishers and reef gleaners, who are mostly women. The census results can be found at www.peskador.org

  4. The Spanish funded Regional Fisheries Livelihoods Program for South and Southeast Asia is a 4-year regional program in Sri Lanka, Timor-Leste, Indonesia, Philippines, Vietnam and Cambodia implemented by FAO.

  5. An extreme case of this attitude to the sea can be found in Oecusse, where some lineages consider the consumption of fish and contact with marine products taboo. It was found that this customary prohibition, which has its basis on a mythical narrative, is localized and affects only a few lineages. See AMSAT (2011a).

  6. Re-semanticize refers to the act of strategically modifying the meaning of a given category or symbol.

  7. Small shops

  8. The ritualized harvest of the meci worms in Lautem (Palmer and De Carvalho 2008) is a low investment, communal fishery.

  9. Juvenile prawn made into a spicy sauce.

  10. With the exception of a medium size fleet in Atauro island

  11. Available at www.peskador.org

  12. National Fisheries Statistics. National Directorate of Fisheries and Aquaculture, Timor-Leste.

  13. In the use of fishing techniques depending on the seasonal fluctuations. For example, fishers will use the engine powered canoes to deploy driftnets during the wet season and the small paddle canoes to fish with hook and line, while in the rainy season the paddle canoes will be used for the capture of sardine in the off shore area with small mesh nets.

  14. One cooperative was promoted in each coastal district (11). Currently only one, whose roots can be traced back to the cooperatives promotion policy, is currently fully operative (in North Atauro).

  15. It is not possible to quantify its importance with the available data: however its presence is confined to the capital Dili and locations where major traders have direct access and control.

  16. The currency difference between the Indonesian Rupiah and the US\$, which are used in Timor-Leste, affects import prices. Differences in the costs of production, access to equipment and cost of living should be considered.

  17. A significant expatriate community and an emergent Timorese middle class are concentrated in the capital Dili.

  18. The information of their operations is unreliable for a set of reasons. From the side of the entrepreneurs (owners), because they discursively struggle to avoid being seen as exploiters of their fisher folks and from the side of the producers (workers) as they prefer to avoid being judged by outsiders. Beyond these facts, it should be noted that the entrepreneurs maintain a tight control over the information in order to keep their command over the producers and ultimately the prices. They don’t have the same agreements with all fishers, so that controlling the fluxes of information is key to maintaining their privileged positions.

  19. See Forman (1980). On current negotiations over its meanings in current Timor-Leste development practices see Shepherd and McWilliam (2011)

  20. 96.9 % of the population based on data of the last census of population and housing (NSD 2010b)

  21. Person, human.

  22. As Punu pololo and Pa’s pololo in the Tokodede area or the Namon’s ritual in Bobonaro

  23. Modern childbirth practices have changed birth rituals with the generalization of the health system.

  24. Although the consumption of meat remains as a main ritual feature, there seems to be a progressive monetization (Geschiere 2000) of alliance and mortuary exchanges. Despite these, many Timorese oppose the commoditification of the exchanges in their discourses about the ‘Cultura’. Not being market interchanges does not mean that there are not subjacent interests by the parties involved (Fidalgo Castro 2011a) and the consequent ‘politics’ of the ritual.

  25. The last data available (National Statistics Directorate 2010b) indicated the crude birth rate was 40.3 per 1,000 population, and the crude mortality rate was 9.7 per 1,000 population. Marriage rates are high and the vast majority of the population is within the marriageable age group. All these life events (birth, death and marriage) are subjects of ritualization and exchange of meat.

  26. I stress similarities in this article and ignore differences between lineages, areas and linguistic groups.

  27. Aquaculture production remains at subsistence level (Pant et al. 2011; MAF 2012)

  28. Specific cases largely depend on the arrangements with the traders. The arrangements can be beneficial.

  29. Total sample of 820 respondents in the districts of Bobonaro, Baucau, Covalima, Dili and Oecusse

  30. Baucau, Bobonaro, Oecusse, Covalima and Dili.

  31. Of a total of 482 respondents. It is important to note that it is usual among Timorese populations to avoid declaring the real number of animals they have.

  32. The AMSAT INT. (2011b) study reported 70 % of respondents stated they did not consume fish because of the high price and almost 50 % said fish were not available in the markets. Few respondents said they did not like fish. Some taboos over fish consumption have been reported, but they have been disregarded as the main cause of the low fish consumption at the national level (AMSAT 2011b).

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Acknowledgments

The Office of Cooperation and Volunteering of the University of A Coruña and the Luso-Galician Association for Applied Anthropology (ALGA) funded the 2009 research program. Previous versions of this paper were presented in 2009 at the University of A Coruña and at the 2011 TLSA Congress Communicating New Research in Timor-Leste. Special thanks are given to Dr. Luis Gárate, Dr. Maria Jesús Pena for their comments on the previous versions of this paper and to the two anonymous reviewers on the final drafts. Special acknowledgement is also given to Alberto Fidalgo for his valuable comments on the first draft and his support with the selection of bibliography.

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  1. Department of Social Psychology and Anthropology, University of Salamanca, Avda. de la Merced, 109-131, 37005, Salamanca, Spain

    Enrique Alonso Población

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Alonso Población, E. Fisheries and food security in Timor-Leste: the effects of ritual meat exchanges and market chains on fishing. Food Sec. 5, 807–816 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12571-013-0308-2

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