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The limits of democratization through a regional hegemon: South African linkage and leverage and the skewed playing field in Lesotho party competition

Die Grenzen der Demokratisierung durch einen regionalen Hegemon: Die Verbindungen Lesothos mit seinem Nachbar Südafrika und die ungleichen Voraussetzungen im Parteienwettbewerb

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Abstract

This article has two aims: First, it examines the effect of a democratic and non-Western regional hegemon on democratization processes in neighboring countries, applied to the case of South Africa and its influence on democratization in Lesotho. Second, it applies Levitsky and Way’s framework to the case of Lesotho. The results of the analysis attenuate optimism about the potential of democratic non-Western regional hegemons to replace missing Western linkage and induce full democratization in neighboring countries. The analysis shows there is high linkage and leverage between South Africa and Lesotho according to Levitsky and Way’s measurement. Yet the 2012 turnover through elections in Lesotho turns out to be a sign of unstable competitive authoritarianism, rather than an indication of an evolution towards full democratization, i.e. it is the result of high Western and South African leverage, low Western linkage, and low organizational power of the incumbent party. A qualitative assessment of linkage between South Africa and Lesotho shows that linkage between the two countries is not as dense as suggested by the measurement according to Levitsky and Way’s criteria. This calls into question whether their measurement criteria for linkage actually reflect their own hypothesized role of linkage.

Zusammenfassung

Dieser Artikel hat zwei Ziele: Erstens untersucht er den Effekt eines demokratischen und nicht-westlichen Hegemons auf Demokratisierungsprozesse in Nachbarsländern, aufgezeigt am südafrikanischen Einfluss auf die Demokratisierung in Lesotho. Zweitens wendet er Levitsky und Ways Theorie im Fall Lesothos an. Die Resultate der Analyse dämpfen allzu starken Optimismus bezüglich des Potentials demokratischer, nicht-westlicher regionaler Hegemone, fehlende Verbindungen mit dem Westen wettzumachen und vollständige Demokratisierung in Nachbarsländern herbeizuführen. Die Analyse zeigt, dass gemäß Levitsky und Ways Messmethode starke Verbindungen zwischen der Regionalmacht Südafrika und dem kleinen Lesotho bestehen. Jedoch signalisiert der durch die Wahlen im Jahr 2012 herbeigeführte Machtwechsel in Lesotho instabilen kompetitiven Autoritarismus und nicht den Endpunkt einer Entwicklung hin zur vollständigen Demokratie. Der Machtwechsel ist folglich ein Produkt westlichen und südafrikanischen Drucks, geringer Verbindungen mit dem Westen und schwacher organisatorischer Kapazität der regierenden Partei. Eine qualitative Analyse der Verbindungen zwischen Südafrika und Lesotho zeigt, dass die Verbindungen zwischen den beiden Ländern nicht so dicht sind wie die Messung nach Levitsky und Ways Kriterien vermuten lassen würde. Dies wirft die Frage auf, ob Levitsky und Ways Messkriterien tatsächlich die von ihnen postulierte Rolle von Verbindungen zwischen kompetitiv-autoritären Staaten und demokratischen Hegemonen abzubilden vermögen.

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Notes

  1. Lesotho is completely surrounded by South Africa. Lesotho has a population of 2 Mio. people, comparable to Namibia and Botswana in the region. Its area size is comparable to that of Belgium. The people of Lesotho, pronounced Lesutu, are called Basotho (Basutu). The singular is Mosotho (Mosutu).

  2. In 2010, I conducted interviews in Lesotho with ten high-ranking parliamentarians, ministers and party representatives of the three most important parties (both urban and rural backgrounds): Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) (3 interviewees), All Basotho Convention (ABC) (3), and Basotho National Party (BNP) (2), as well as two minor parties, National Independent Party (NIP) (1) and Lesotho Worker’s Party (LWP) (1). Furthermore, the analysis relies on expert interviews with two representatives from local NGOs, a senior local journalist, and a representative of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).

  3. Lesotho belongs to the lowest quartile in Sub-Saharan Africa and is the smallest economy in the SADC (World Bank 2009).

  4. Levitsky and Way (2010) do not discuss why they exclude the case of Lesotho from their analysis. Amongst others, “tutelary” powers that stand outside the democratic regime should not be present (Levitsky and Way 2010, pp. 32–33, 365–366).

  5. Interview conducted by the author in Maseru, Lesotho, July 2010.

  6. Interview with high-ranking politician of the ABC in Maseru, Lesotho, July 2010 (cf. Elklit 2008, p. 14).

  7. Interviews with a political expert and representative of the IEC in Maseru, Lesotho, July 2010 (cf. Elklit 2008, Likoti 2009, US Department of State 2008, and EISA 2013, p. 10).

  8. According to a representative of the IEC (interview in Maseru, Lesotho, July 2010).

  9. As with Lesotho, Botswana is a case of competitive and moderate authoritarianism. Levitsky and Way consider Namibia a “borderline case[…] [between democracy and competitive authoritarianism] that arguably could be included in the sample” of competitive authoritarian regimes, but is “insufficiently authoritarian.” Mozambique and Zimbabwe are clear-cut cases of competitive authoritarianism, and Swaziland’s monarchy is fully authoritarian (Levitsky and Way 2010, pp. 33–34, 238–256).

  10. Information in this section is based on personal observation during field research and interviews with political experts in Maseru, Lesotho, in July 2010.

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Correspondence to Jonathan van Eerd.

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The Foundation for Scientific Research at the University of Zurich enabled field studies in Lesotho and the National University of Lesotho provided helpful assistance. I thank Oscar Mwangi, Victor Shale, Holo ‘Nyane, Sofonea Shale and Ma Tsepang for their help during filed studies, Manuel Mühlebach and Christian Hutter for assistance, and Dieter Ruloff for general support. For their excellent reviews and comments on earlier versions of this manuscript I thank the editors of this special issue—Matthijs Bogaards and Sebastian Elischer—, the participants of the related workshop in Lüneburg, as well as Simon Bornschier and Fabio Wasserfallen. I also thank the two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions. All remaining errors are my own.

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van Eerd, J. The limits of democratization through a regional hegemon: South African linkage and leverage and the skewed playing field in Lesotho party competition. Z Vgl Polit Wiss 10 (Suppl 1), 137–154 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12286-016-0275-z

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