Introduction

Despite the rise in both access to and use of sexual content by women, to date, much of the research on pornography consumption continues to focus predominantly on men’s consumption. […] Given this focus, the ways in which women are consuming this content […] remains somewhat veiled, and hence, not well understood.

McKeown et al., (2018, p.341).

Whilst nowadays access to pornographic material through online technologies is a widespread phenomenon (Hald & Mulya, 2013; Stulhofer et al., 2016), with more than 90% of adults having watched pornography at least once in their lives (Hald, 2006), most research findings focus on men’s experiences with pornography (Litsou et al., 2021). On the other hand, based on feminists' arguments that pornography displays the act of satisfying men as the main aim of female sexuality and the fact that pornography is consumed by and produced for men it is logical for women to express more negative attitudes toward pornography than men do (Erikson & Rydgren, 1994 as cited in Traeen, 2004). Nevertheless, research findings also report women’s positive attitudes and use of pornography (Traeen, 2004). In addition, based on conservative societal beliefs and culture-specific ethical and religious values pornography consumption may be perceived as unacceptable for women (Litsou et al., 2021). Also, there has been less research regarding women’s attitudes toward pornography in comparison to men’s attitudes toward pornography (Ashton et al., 2019; Chesser et al., 2018; Litsou et al., 2021).

Historically, the word pornography originates from the Greek word which means “writing about harlots”. The definition of pornography varies depending on a variety of factors. It may refer to pornographic material such as sexually explicit material (SEM), which usually refers to more hard-core material (Rosser et al., 2014) while on the other side, the term “erotica” focuses more on mutual sensuality and refers to partners that are simultaneously enjoying their sexual plays (Manju et al., 2019). Hald and Malamuth’s (2008) definition of pornography is frequently used as a working definition: “[pornography is] any kind of material aiming at creating or enhancing sexual feeling or thoughts in the recipient and, at the same time containing explicit exposure and/or descriptions of the genitals, and clear and explicit sexual acts, such as vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse, oral sex, masturbation, bondage, sadomasochism, rape, urine sex, animal sex, etc.” (p.3).

In pornographic material the participating females usually are illustrated as submissive, pleasing their male partners and not emphasizing their own pleasures. Thus traditional stereotypic gender roles (e.g. men exerting power or authority and women as inferior to men) are enacted in sexual scripts as well. When pornography research emphasizes women’s perspectives it usually focuses on women's reactions to their male partner’s pornography use (Johnson et al., 2019; Litsou et al., 2021) and/or women’s sexual difficulties and risks (McCutcheon & Bishop, 2015).

All in all, considering the widespread anxieties about pornography consumption and the intensification of moral and socio-cultural campaigns to counteract its spread (Tsaliki & Chronaki, 2015) this study examines women’s attitudes towards pornography and tries to identify specific context-related social-psychological and socio-cultural predictors of women’s pornography consumption.

The current study makes two new interventions concerning attitudes toward pornography. First, it examines the impact of context-related sociocultural and social-psychological factors on women’s attitudes towards pornography. As Traeen et al., (2004) and Martyniuk et al., (2015) note more studies from other countries are needed so that cross-cultural comparison can be made. In addition, as Agocha et al., (2014, p.183) argue “culture provides a significant framework for understanding sexuality” which has not been examined thoroughly. Second, to the best of the researcher’s knowledge, women’s attitudes towards pornography have received little scientific attention in the Greek context. Therefore, this study contributes to expanding the knowledge on the psychometric behavior of the attitudes toward pornography scale (see Whatley & Brock, 2019) in a new socio-cultural context and allows the gathering of further empirical knowledge in the field. Currently, there are no validated psychometric scales in Greece that evaluate attitudes toward pornography.

Research Findings Regarding Women’s Pornography Consumption

Pornography scholarship on one hand provides evidence of the harmful consequences of pornography emphasizing the danger of objectification and victimization (Harder et al., 2020). Researchers point out that exposure to pornography and other sexual media is related to the degradation and devaluation of women (Harris & Bartett, 2009, Peter & Valkenburg, 2011). On the other hand, it supports that pornography can also empower women sexually, giving them access to pleasure and agency (Ciclitira, 2004; Harder et al., 2020). Thus the focus is now on sexual subjectification instead of sexual objectification, wherein the first is acknowledged as a normative call to sexual activation as regards the construction of femininities that replaces sexual innocence as an indication of (hetero)sexual desirability (Camoletto, & Todesco, 2019). Research also shows that women do adopt anti-pornography positions and criticize mainstream pornography as inauthentic and stereotypical (Chadwick et al., 2018; Harder et al., 2020). In addition, much of the research on pornography is mainly framed by the consequences that may follow the consumption of pornography using an “addiction” discourse” and the prediction of violent behaviors (Flood, 2009; Young, 2008). Even though, women may consume pornography for many different reasons it is often hypothesized that they do so at the request of their male partners (Romito & Beltramini, 2011). However, studies show that women seek out pornography and find it arousing especially when actors display intimacy toward one another (Ashton et al., 2018). Curiosity, sexual arousal, and sexual information were the most commonly stated reasons for watching pornography for girls aged between 11 and 17 years old in the Chech Republic. There were no differences between the different ages (Ševčíková & Daneback, 2014).

In addition, a Danish study reported that young women expressed positive attitudes toward pornography (Hald & Malamuth, 2008). Nevertheless, research findings report that women are less likely than men to start watching pornography and less likely to be sexually aroused by watching pornography (Litsou et al., 2021). Furthermore, most research findings show that women watch pornography much less than men (Johansson & Hammaren, 2007; Sirianni & Vishwanath, 2016). Specifically, a Danish and an Australian study reported that fewer women than men reported having ever watched pornography (Hald & Malamuth, 2008; Rissel et al., 2017). In their study also Häggström-Nordin et al., (2009) present that pornography is consumed mainly by male students than female students. Caroll et al., (2008, 2016) also demonstrate that women are likely to report lower than men pornography consumption. Having a religion or faith was associated with a lower likelihood of ever having looked at pornography whereas post-high school education was associated with an increased likelihood of watching pornography (Rissel et al., 2017). Research data also suggests that a minority of the people who hold negative opinions of sexually explicit material (SEM) and do not consume pornographic content are likely to consider watching pornography as an act of infidelity. In addition, there appears to be a variation across cultures as regards the association between people's beliefs about viewing SEM and its consideration as an act of infidelity.

Recent studies also report that female students consuming pornography may feel embarrassed by this activity as it may be considered immoral, or associate it with an act of infidelity and feel distressed about it (Droubay et al., 2020; Perry, 2020; Wright et al., 2017a, 2017b). Litsou et al., (2021) argue that a significant limitation in most quantitative studies regarding pornography use regardless of gender is the absence of a definition of pornography. This means that researchers did not know what exactly the participants had in mind when completing the questionnaires.

Qualitative research with thirty self-identified heterosexual women aged 18 to 40 years old showed that the participants enjoyed watching heterosexual pornography. Women reported using pornography mainly to become aroused and to acquire information about sexual activities while others considered it as an act of rebellion against being the “good girl” (Parvez, 2006). Also, semi-structured interviews with young Canadian women (19 to 29) showed that they watched pornography for diverse reasons. Specifically, women watched pornography as a means of self-arousal activity and masturbation, as an arousing activity with partners, and to learn more information about sexual acts (Hare et al., 2014). Thus, research data show that women do watch and enjoy pornography (Ciclitira, 2004). Hence, despite the negative feelings regarding porn consumption, qualitative data report that some women watch porn to make their sexual experience more enjoyable and neutralize the negative socially attributed meanings to SEM (Chadwick et al., 2018). This may mean that for some women porn may be a productive experience instead of an objectifying one (Camoletto & Todesco, 2019). On the other side, interviews conducted with young heterosexual women (19 to 30 years old) showed that they were ambivalent about watching pornography. Specifically, young women stated that pornography had both an intensifying and a reducing impact on sexual pleasure (Ashton et al., 2019). Haggstrom-Nordin et al., (2009) also reported that the young women participating in their study had contradictory feelings towards pornography and sometimes felt that sexuality was detached from intimacy. In all, qualitative research reports that for some women watching porn may become an active experience to make the sexual experience more enjoyable neutralizing the stigmatizing meanings socially attributed to sexually explicit materials (SEM; Chowkhani, 2016).

Sociocultural Factors and Attitudes Toward Pornography

As Sumer (2015) argues views on sexuality are influenced by many aspects, however cultural norms and religious beliefs are particularly important. Moreover, religiosity, as a central characteristic of culture, affects sexual attitudes and behaviors (Ahrold et al., 2011; Hernadez et al., 2014). In addition, formal religious institutions shape cultural norms, social rules, and behaviors in many different social issues including appropriate gender roles and sexual behaviors (see Inglehart & Norris, 2003). As Kemp (2020) notes higher religiosity denotes continual exposure to traditional gender role messages and religious teachings that emphasize the inhibition of sexual expression (Hernansez, 2014) and a greater possibility that those messages will be internalized providing individuals with a set of beliefs that they assimilate into their motivations and accept as their own (Vasilenko et al., 2013). Previous research findings report that religious individuals oppose pornography and accordingly, they favor pornography censorship (Patterson & Price, 2012; Thomas, 2013). In addition, individuals with higher levels of religiosity seem to struggle with their own pornography use (Abell et al., 2006). Overall, scholars emphasize the inverse relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography (Hardy et al., 2013; Short et al., 2015; Wright et al., 2013).

However, research data also underline the complexity of the linkage between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography. In particular, individuals from conservative communities in terms of religion, sexuality, and gender roles are more likely to consume pornography than those from less religious communities (Edelman, 2009). Interestingly, these results make the relationship between religiosity and pornography even more complicated (Martyniuk et al., 2015). These results can be considered through the lens of the paradoxical or preoccupation hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, higher levels of religiosity and/or conservatism are related to a higher appeal to sexual context (MacInnis & Hodson, 2015).

Also, attitudes toward pornography are associated with more permissive sexual norms concerning how people think about sex and what behaviors they may practice (Brown & L’Engle, 2009). This linkage can be clarified in two ways. First that more liberal individuals tend to watch more pornography and second pornography consumption sets the scene for more liberal attitudes toward sexuality (Martyniuk et al., 2015). Moreover, moralists and conservatives are expected to oppose pornography because of their traditional attitudes regarding sexuality issues and their concern about moral decline (Droubay et al., 2021). Scholars tend to define “conservatives” as those who fall between the “center” and “right” placements of the ideological scale (Araujo & Gatto, 2022). According to research findings, political ideology reports mixed results concerning attitudes toward pornography consumption. In particular, Rojas et al., (1996) study showed that conservatives favor pornography censorship whereas Lambe’s (2004) study found no significant linkage with political ideology. Overall, taking into account that exposure to specific socializing agents, such as religious institutions and conservative political ideology can significantly influence individuals' attitudes (Jakobson et al., 2013; Sani & Quaranta, 2020; Whitehead & Perry, 2016) the current study examined religiosity and conservative political ideology role in predicting young women’s attitudes toward pornography.

Traditional Sexual Scripts

Male and female individuals are socialized and “programmed” differently about sexuality from childhood to adulthood (Emmers-Sommer, 2018; Wiederman, 2005). Thus, individuals learn that specific sexual behaviors are socially stigmatized and/or warned against while others are encouraged. Past research findings suggest that women and men frequently act following learned sexual scripts. Through these sexual scripts, they construct and engage in gender-appropriate sexual behavior (Simon & Gagnon, 2003). In particular, research reports that men consume pornography more often and for personal pleasure whereas women report consuming it less often and mainly because they are asked to do so, as co-viewers with their male partner (Hammaren & Johansson, 2007; Romito & Beltramini, 2011). Overall, sexual scripts navigate women and men on what is considered acceptable (and unacceptable) sexual behavior combining cultural and social expectations (Emmers-Sommer et al., 2010).

Thus, whilst women may consume pornography for personal pleasure as men do sexual scripts emphasizing women’s sexual desires are less dominant (Emmers-Sommer et al., 2013). Hence, even though research findings report that pornography consumption may have sexual benefits for women the dominant sexual scripts grounded on conventional sociocultural beliefs and social norms may forbid and/or criticize a woman admitting to consuming and enjoying pornography (Poulsen et al., 2013). In addition, at an interpersonal level, a woman wouldn’t communicate to a partner or others that she enjoys viewing pornography (Emmers-Sommer et al., 2010).

Overall, from a sexual script standpoint, men are socialized and expected to be sexually more dynamic and women to be reactive (Byers, 1996). This means that women’s admission to pornography consumption may not be socio-culturally accepted especially if this is for pleasure purposes (Emmers-Sommer, 2018). According to conventional sexual scripts, men’s consumption of pornography is more socially accepted and expected than women’s consumption of pornography (Emmers-Sommer et al., 2010). As an effect of the aforementioned conventional socio-cultural norms and beliefs, women may have been taught to dislike pornography and thus find it difficult to specify their attitudes towards it (see Montgomery-Graham et al., 2015). Thus this study examines the impact of context-related sociocultural factors on women’s attitudes toward pornography in a specific socio-cultural context to enrich the existing literature on this subject.

Social Norms

Scholars’ interest in social norms mainly stems from Cialdini’s and colleagues' work (Cialdini et al., 1990). They define social norms as one’s beliefs about what others in one’s group do (descriptive norms) and what they approve and disapprove of (injunctive norms). That is, norms are the informal rules that determine appropriate and acceptable action in a given group or society (Cialdini & Trost, 1998). To conform to injunctive norms (for example by abstaining from pornography consumption), one does not have to agree with the opinion of others as valid. As regards what others are perceived to do (not what others are perceived to approve) and what is regarded as proper and foreseen in a group context (descriptive norms) the informational component might play a statistically significant role (Cialdini et al., 1990). Social pressure meaning that people anticipate social punishment or social reward for their non-compliance or compliance with a norm is one of the main compliance mechanisms (Young, 2015). This means that social norms represent the pressure and the approval of others who are important to the individual (Ajzen, 1991).

Overall, a considerable amount of research on social norms proposes that both descriptive and injunctive norms can influence subsequent behavior (Miller et al., 2000). In particular, Bleakley et al., (2011) found that pornography consumption is strongly influenced by normative pressure (i.e., a construct that includes both injunctive and descriptive norms).

This Study

Pornography consumption remains a topic of discussion with polarized and heated arguments because it contradicts society's cultural and moral implications (Tsaliki & Chronaki, 2015). Thus, the cultural context wherein pornography is experienced is most significant. As Litsou et al., (2021) argue some researchers acknowledged the cultural context of their research and made culture-specific observations (Benjamin & Tlusten, 2010) whereas many did not discuss the impact of the cultural context at all (McKeown et al., 2018; Perry & Davis, 2020; Willoughby & Leonhardt, 2020). Thus the influence of the cultural context and, by extension, the socio-cultural norms, and moral beliefs are most significant as levels of gender equality/inequality vary markedly across different countries. Hence, it is significant to examine attitudes toward pornography in different sociocultural contexts and whether negative attitudes stem from conventional socio-cultural pressure (Hayes & Carpenter, 2013). In particular, according to Martyniuk (2015), more studies are needed on different religious and socio-cultural contexts emphasizing the linkage between religiosity and pornography. Even though “culture provides a significant framework for understanding sexuality” (Agocha et al., 2014, p.183) sociocultural factors are seldomly examined in relation to attitudes toward pornography (Martyniuk, 2015). As Hogg and Vaughan (2005, p.145) argue “attitudes are a relatively enduring organization of beliefs, feelings and behavioral tendencies towards socially significant objects, groups, events or symbols”. Therefore we should examine the various factors subjective to one’s environment such as normative values and socio-cultural characteristics that profoundly impact people’s attitudes (Hogg & Vaughan, 2005).

Taking into account that exposure to specific socializing agents, such as religious institutions, social norms, and conservative political ideology can significantly influence individuals' attitudes (Jakobson et al., 2013; Whitehead & Perry, 2016) this study examined their predictive role in young women’s attitudes toward pornography.

In addition, Greece is highly conservative culturally and institutionally when it comes to sexual attitudes, sexual behavior, and sexual minorities (Grigoropoulos & Kordoutis, 2015; Grigoropoulos, 2022a, 2022b, 2019; Iraklis & Kordoutis, 2015; Iraklis, 2021a, 2021b, 2020). Given this high level of traditionalism in the sexual domain, it is of significant interest to examine Greek women’s attitudes toward pornography and the social-psychological, and sociocultural factors that predict their attitudes.

Pornography has an unavoidable influence on women’s lives since social life and imagery are increasingly sexualized in contemporary societies (Harder et al., 2020). Whilst is commonly expected that men watch and talk openly about pornography interestingly it is still considered uncommon for women to do so (Ashton et al., 2018). It seems that pornographic material is produced exclusively for men. This coincides with the gender theory and the sexual script theory, which excludes pornography from being attractive to both men and women (Haggstrom-Nordin et al., 2009). Therefore, it is most interesting to examine young women’s attitudes toward pornography and the extent to which they still feel influenced by cultural and societal norms not to consume pornography (Ashton et al., 2018) because this behavior could challenge context-related conservative social norms, and religious beliefs (Castro & Lins, 2021; Gouveia et al., 2014). Thus, the current study examines the role of religiosity and conservative political ideology as individual characteristics as well as the role of social norms in predicting attitudes toward pornography.

Overall, we hypothesized that specific social-psychological and individual socio-cultural characteristics will have a significant effect on women’s attitudes toward pornography consumption. In line with previous research data, we expected high religiosity, social norms, and conservative political ideology to influence participants’ attitudes toward pornography. Finally, we examined how pornography-related attitudes are established. In line with the aforementioned theory of social norms, we examined religiosity as predictor of attitudes toward pornography and the mediating role of normative pressure. To sum up, we expected normative pornography-related norms (for example because they see their friends viewing pornography) to buffer the relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography. This study aims to identify sociocultural and social-psychological factors that shed new light on women’s attitudes toward pornography (Morrison & Tallack, 2005). In addition, this study aims to shed light on this significantly controversial societal phenomenon and also expand the research to other countries with different cultural norms and backgrounds.

Method

Participants and Procedure

An exploratory cross-sectional study was conducted between September 8 and November 28, 2021, via an online survey. This study’s convenience sample consisted of female undergraduate students (N = 197) who were recruited from two universities in the northern part of Greece. Convenience sampling with a snowball-like technique was utilized as the URL of the questionnaire was publicized on the researcher’s university social networks and forums. The online survey was completely anonymous and participants indicated their agreement to participate by selecting the consent checkbox. The inclusion criteria were a) to identify as a woman (including trans people who identified as such) and b) agreeing to participate. The survey included a definition of pornography before the instruments were presented. This was to minimize the effect of knowledge or disinformation gaps that participants may have. Based on previous studies we defined pornography as “any kind of depiction directly showing the genitals during sexual activity and aiming at achieving or enhancing sexual arousal, feelings, thoughts, or fantasies. Images containing men or women posing naked- as in Playgirl/Playboy or nude photos- should not be considered when completing the questionnaire” (see Martyniuk et al, 2015). The process lasted approximately 10–15 min. This study followed all principles of the Declaration of Helsinki on Ethical Principles for Medical Research Involving Human Subjects and all the ethical instructions and directions of the institution to which the researcher belongs.

All the participants were currently undergraduate students. Being of younger age and a student also ensured that this study’s participants were familiarized and had access to information and communication technologies. The participants’ age range was between 19 and 25 years (M = 20.69, SD = 0.04). The sample was predominantly heterosexual (89.9%; n = 178). Participants scored relatively low on religiosity (M = 2.84, SD = 0.70; two items were averaged). Participants reported support to center party (M = 3.40, SD = 0.80). No participants were excluded from the study.

Explanatory Variables

Socio-Demographic and Attitudinal Variables

In the demographic section of the questionnaire, participants gave background information about their age (reported by participants in a numerical entry box), gender (female, transgender, other-with specification required), sexual orientation (heterosexual, lesbian, bisexual, other-with specification required), political positioning (left, center-left, center, center-right, right), level of education (below high school, high school diploma, undergraduate student, university degree, postgraduate student, postgraduate degree), and religiosity (frequency of religious services attendance and frequency of praying; 1 = never to 7 = Very Frequently).

Normative Pressure Participants were asked to indicate on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from (1 = strongly disapprove to 7 = strongly approve) “What your best friends would think if they knew that you watch programs with pornographic content” (Injunctive norms) and “Do you believe that your friends and acquaintances would watch programs with pornographic content if they had the chance?” (1 = none of my friends to 7 = all of my friends; Descriptive norms). For normative pressure, a single value was computed based on the average of the two items.

Outcome Measure

Attitudes Towards Pornography (ATP)

The scale used was that by Whatley & Brock (2019) whose translation accuracy for the Greek context has been verified through back-translation (e.g. “pornography is a form of entertainment”, “viewing pornography can be a healthy way to explore one’s sexuality”, and “ viewing pornography is a fun way to relieve stress”). Participants completed 20 items on a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree”. According to Whatley & Brock (2019), the scale consists of two factors: beneficial attitudes and detrimental attitudes. Higher scores signified more positive attitudes toward pornography. As Whatley & Brock (2019) report the two factors exhibited modest reliability (0.87 and 0.84 respectively) (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1
figure 1

CFA of the proposed model

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Psychometric Properties of ATP

Construct Validity

Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was conducted on the twenty items of the ATP, specifying the two-factor solution based on the relevant literature. Using AMOS software, the CFA was conducted using the Unweighted Least Square (ULS) Estimation Method as data were non-normally distributed and the Maximum Likelihood Estimation Method (ML) was unsuitable. Sample size recommendations of a minimum of 100 to 200 participants for CFA were met (Kline, 2005).

Accordingly, model fit was estimated with fit measures compatible with the ULS method, excluding chi-square (Byrne, 1994). AMOS evaluates model fit for ULS method through the Standardized Root Mean Residual (SRMR), the Goodness-of-fit Index (GFI), the Adjusted Goodness-of-Fit Index (AGFI), and the Normed Fit Index (NFI) (Arbucle, 2005; Marsh & Hu, 1996). As regards the acceptability measures, SRMR has a cut-off value close to 0.08 (Hu & Bentler, 1999). GFI and AGFI values beyond 0.90 show tolerable model fit, whereas values beyond 0.95 report a statistically significant model fit (Hu & Bentler, 1999). Also, NFI values beyond 0.90 or 0.95 are showing a sustainable fit (Schumacker & Lomax, 2004). The results of CFA showed that the two-factor model showed a good fit GFI = 0.94, AGFI = 0.92, NFI = 0.89, SRMR = 0.095 (Fig. 1). Even though the SRMR value is higher than desired, the other indexes met acceptable levels, suggesting a model that fits the data relatively well (Hu & Bentler, 1999). Cronbach’s alphas for the 10 Beneficial attitudes and 10 Detrimental attitudes were α = 0.86, 95% CI [0.82, 0.88] and α = 0.74 95% CI [0.71, 0.78] respectively.

Design and Statistical Analysis

A between-subject, correlational design was employed. For the attitudes toward pornography (ATP), a single value was computed based on the average of all items. IBM SPSS Statistics version 19 and IBM SPSS AMOS v.20 were used to analyze the data. Data screening techniques were used before the main statistical analysis. The normality of data distribution was determined using the Shapiro–Wilk test. Data were non-normally distributed. Bivariate correlation (Kendall’s Tau correlation analysis) was generated to explore the associations between variables of interest. Next, a multiple regression model was employed to predict ATA from the other study measures, based on the significance of the associations. Mediation analysis was performed to assess the mediating role of normative pressure (social norms) on the linkage between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography. Alpha level was set at 0.05.

Results

Descriptive Results

To investigate the relationship between the variables of the research, Kendall’s Tau correlation analysis was performed between all variables of interest. The results are presented in Table 1. Attitudes toward pornography (ATP) was negatively correlated with religiosity (r197 = 0.193, p < 0.01). Political positioning was positively related with religiosity (r197 = 0.35, p < 0.01) and negatively associated with attitudes towards pornography (r197 = −0.121 p < 0.05). Social norms were negatively correlated with religiosity (r197 = −0.165, p < 0.01) and positively correlated with attitude towards pornography (r197 = 0.275, p < 0.01).

Table 1 Cross-scale correlations for the study variables (n = 197)
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Multiple Regression Analysis

Multiple linear regression analysis was used to examine the association between predictor variables and the attitudes toward pornography (ATP) scale. The assumptions of regression analysis were tested and were not violated (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). Specifically, tests to see if the data met the assumption of collinearity indicated that multicollinearity was not a concern (Religiosity = 0.78, VIF = 1.25; political position = 0.82, VIF = 1.20; social norms = 0.79, VIF = 1.31).

Predictors of Attitudes Towards Pornography

Standard multiple regression analysis was conducted with ATP as the dependent variable. The data met the assumption of independent errors (Durbin-Watson value = 1.72). The results showed (see Table 2) that the model was statistically significant (R2 = 0.188, F(3,193) = 14.91, p < 0.001). Social norms (B = 0.213, p < 0.05), and religiosity (B = −0.101, p < 0.05) contributed significantly to the model. In particular, 3.39% of the variance in attitudes toward pornography was accounted for uniquely by religiosity whereas 10.60% of the variance in attitudes toward pornography was accounted for uniquely by social norms.

Table 2 Regression analysis for variables predicting ATP (N = 197)
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Mediation Effect of Normative Pressure (Social Norms) on the Relationship Between Religiosity and Attitudes Toward Pornography

A bootstrapping method was performed using the SPSS Process Macro to examine if normative pressure mediated the relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography. The results revealed a statistically significant indirect effect of religiosity on attitudes toward pornography through normative pressure (b = -0.034) as confidence intervals did not include zero. More specifically, to the extent that participants were less religious, they were more likely to endorse social norms (a = -0.162), and to the extent that participants were likely to endorse social norms the more likely they were to have more positive attitudes toward pornography (b = 0.212). The direct effect of religiosity on attitudes toward pornography in presence of the mediator was statistically significant (b = −0.105, p = 0.0013). Hence, social norms partially mediated the relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography. Mediation summary is presented in Table 3.

Table 3 Mediation analysis
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Discussion

The current study examined specific context-related social psychological and sociocultural predictors of women’s attitudes toward pornography. Heise & Manjii (2016) argue that an attitude is a person’s preference or appraisal of something. Social norms are informal rules regarding (un)suitable behavior in a group. More specifically, social norms are socially established standards about how people think, behave, or feel (Smith & Mackie, 2007). This study used Cialdini and Trost’s (1998) theory of what social norms are and how they influence people’s actions. Specifically, we referred to social norms as participants’ beliefs about what others in their context do as regards pornography consumption and whether significant others in participants’ context disapprove or approve of pornography consumption (Bell & Cox, 2015). Furthermore, this study also used a working definition of pornography alleviating a reported significant limitation of previous quantitative studies (see Litsou et al., 2021).

The findings of this study support the role of context-related socio-cultural and socio-psychological factors in determining participants’ attitudes toward pornography. More specifically grounded on the theoretical line that individual attitudes are significantly influenced by exposure to context-specific socializing agents such as religious doctrines and dominant pornography-related social norms (Whitehead & Perry, 2016) this study examined whether the impact of religiosity on attitudes towards pornography would be mediated by normative pressure (social norms). The findings of this study support the role of specific socializing agents (i.e., religiosity and normative pressure) in determining participants’ attitudes toward pornography. In particular, normative pressure (social norms) partially mediated the relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward pornography. Thus, this study’s results demonstrate that less religious participants are more likely to favor pornography when for example they believe that their friends approve of viewing pornography (normative pressure). Hence, this study demonstrates that more positive attitudes toward pornography are influenced by normative pressure, a construct that includes both descriptive and injunctive norms (see Bleakley et al., 2011). In addition, social norms might exert ingroup social influence by prescribing which actions are appropriate (Abrams et al., 1990). These results are in line with research findings reporting that individuals who believe that “everybody is doing it” are more likely to hold positive attitudes toward pornography (Bleakley et al., 2011). Based also on Fazio's work (1989) demonstrating that the accessibility of norms is maintained through their frequent activation the aforementioned results propose that those who consider pornography as normal behavior are more likely to view pornography themselves.

Moreover, the fact that religiosity remained significant when social norms were entered into the model suggests that religiosity also exerted an independent effect on attitudes toward pornography. This study’s result coincides with previous studies in this field showing that religiosity, as a central facet of culture, influences attitudes against pornography (Ahrold et al., 2011; Hernandez et al., 2014; Patterson & Price, 2012). Traditional religious teachings may be internalized by more religious individuals providing them with a set of values and beliefs that accept as their own (Vasilenko et al., 2013).

Importantly we could argue that social acceptance of pornography (i.e., the normalization of pornography) in contrast with religious beliefs that may deem exposure to this kind of material as unsuitable gives rise to more favorable attitudes toward pornography (Mazziotta et al., 2011). The social cognitive theory of mass communication (Bandura, 2001) supports this finding as exposure to media and internet can influence our conceptions in different ways. That is, repeated exposure to pornographic material can lead to more favorable evaluations of pornography.

Furthermore, this study also shows that the participating women expressed positive attitudes towards pornography as measured with the mean value of the ATP scale, mirroring the findings of previous work (Johansson & Hammaren, 2007). This finding demonstrates that pornography can be a source of pleasure for this study’s participants. Thus, this study’s results in line with previous research data indicate that young women, in contemporary Greek society may regard pornography more positively (Johansson & Hammaren, 2007; Traeen, 2004). Younger cohorts are socialized in a period with a more permissive and less traditional climate, compared to older cohorts. Based on Inglehart’s theory, formative years have a profound impact on attitudes (Inglehart, 2003; Parker et al., 2019). Thus, this study suggests that more social acceptance and tolerance towards pornography consumption can alter the prevailing gender-appropriate sexual behavior scripts as regards women’s sexual desires and behaviors (see Shuway et al., 2012). Hence, whether one’s sexual desires and wants align with what is considered socially acceptable or not can influence her/his intrapsychic sexual script as it can match the dominant sexual script or be distinct (Hynie et al., 1998). This study’s results also coincide with previous research findings reporting no significant linkage between political ideology and attitudes toward pornography consumption (see Lambe, 2004). Furthermore, the absence of political positioning as an important predictor of negative attitudes towards pornography may be due to the fact that political positioning was measured with a single item. In future studies, it may be necessary to use more variables related to political positioning.

Overall, this study’s results show that when less religious participants considered the consumption of pornography as socially acceptable they were more likely to report more positive attitudes toward pornography. In other words, the normalization of pornography mediates the relationship between religiosity and participants' attitudes toward pornography. Understanding the influence of social norms on pornography use is particularly interesting considering that pornography represents a source of gender-appropriate sexual behavior scripts that influence behavior (Cialdini et al., 2006; Goldstein & Cialdini, 2007). In addition, research concerning attitudes toward pornography is important for challenging the controversial issue of pornography. This study adds to the field by assessing the possible predictors of attitudes toward pornography in a cultural context (Greece) with limited tolerance for non-normative relationships (Grigoropoulos, 2022a, 2022b; Iraklis, 2020, 2021a) and by reporting the transformative potential of context-related socio-cultural and social-psychological factors that affect commonly shared attitudes towards pornography. Future work could emphasize how dominant pornography-related social norms are constructed, and the association between pornography-related social norms and pornography use.

Limitations

This study is not without limits. This study’s findings are difficult to generalize due to the homogeneity of the participants' group, who are generally not very religious, well-educated young women. There may be also a sampling bias as participants more interested in pornography consumption may have taken part. In addition, this study has to consider the effects of social desirability. Furthermore, research on the internet limits the participation of some social groups. Future studies could emphasize collecting data from a more diverse sample.

Conclusions

This study provides useful insights to understand attitudes toward pornography in the Greek socio-cultural context. Future studies focusing on different populations in Greek society may also provide significant information as would further studies comparing the Greek population with other populations. Furthermore examining the positive effects of pornography may lead to new knowledge about how pornography may hold empowering factors for women, such as controlling their bodies and sexual expression while disengaging from conservative societal pressures. Research data regarding women’s attitudes toward pornography may influence policymakers and guide future education policies that could minimize the effect of gender inequalities and challenge women’s traditional models of sexuality (Morrison & Tallack, 2005).