Abstract
A theoretical research program is outlined that seeks to use the Modern Synthesis in explaining human evolution, but also recognizes its limitations in explaining the evolution of socio-cultural systems. The universe, from a human perspective, is composed of physical, biological, and socio-cultural dimensions, each revealing unique properties and dynamics. In the case of the socio-cultural universe, modern evolutionary theory is relevant for some explanations, but not to the degree assumed by socio-biology, evolutionary psychology, and even co-evolutionary models. The program proposed is built around social network theory, cladistic analysis, and comparative neuro-anatomy, and outlines where biological analysis is appropriate and useful. An understanding of the biological basis of human behavior will allow sociologists to develop theoretical approaches to explaining the emergent properties of the socio-cultural universe. The strategy outlined will allow us to see what a mature evolutionary sociology can do: develop abstract theoretical laws about the dynamics of selection on socio-cultural formations in human societies.
Zusammenfassung
Es wird ein theoretisches Forschungsprogramm skizziert, das Thesen der „Modernen Synthese“ zur Erklärung der menschlichen Evolution aufgreift, aber auch deren Grenzen bei der Erklärung der Evolution soziokultureller Systeme aufdeckt. Aus der Humanperspektive besteht die Welt aus physikalischen, biologischen und soziokulturellen Dimensionen, die jeweils eigenartige Eigenschaften und Dynamiken aufweisen. Im Falle der soziokulturellen Dimension ist die moderne Evolutionstheorie zwar für einige Erklärungen relevant, jedoch nicht in dem Maße, wie es von der Soziobiologie, der Evolutionspsychologie und sogar von den ko-evolutionären Modellen angenommen wird. Das vorgeschlagene Programm stützt sich auf die Theorie sozialer Netzwerke, die kladistische Analyse und die vergleichende Neuroanatomie. Es zeigt auf, wo eine biologische Analyse angebracht und nützlich ist. Ein Verständnis der biologischen Grundlagen des menschlichen Verhaltens wird es Soziologen ermöglichen, theoretische Ansätze zur Erklärung der emergenten Eigenschaften der soziokulturellen Sphäre zu entwickeln. Die skizzierte Forschungsstrategie erlaubt uns zu zeigen, was eine ausgereifte evolutionäre Soziologie leisten kann: die Entwicklung abstrakter theoretischer Gesetze über die Dynamik der Selektion in Bezug auf soziokulturelle Formationen in menschlichen Gesellschaften.
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Notes
Most primatologists and psychologists have a behavioral bias, which attests to the need for sociologists to be more involved in analyses of primate evolution—because humans are primates.
The logic of cladistic analysis is isomorphic with the historical-comparative method, used in textual criticism and historical linguistics. In historical linguistics, a set of languages known to have evolved from a common “mother tongue” are examined for cognates, with these shared traits then used to reconstruct the original mother language (Maas 1958; Jeffers and Lehiste 1979). In this cladistics analysis, the cognates (or derived characteristics) are those shared among closely related ape species.
To measure the degree of attachment among conspecifics, researchers record such behaviors as mutual grooming, aiding and protecting, continual close proximity, food sharing, and the endurance and emotional intensity of a social relation.
For example, when A. Goodall and C. Groves (1977) drew lines over a wide area that separated gorilla bands and home ranges, they discovered that when bands interacted or stayed together for a short time, they shared the same home range. They also found weak ties between lone males and bands in the same home range. Goodall and Groves also proposed that in two residential communities one had 68 members and the other had 77 members. Also see Schaller (1962). Bradley et al. (2004) also report that in Western gorillas, when males disperse from their natal band, they do not migrate very far, and suggest an “unrecognized dispersed male network social structure.” If so, gorilla community structure may also be more similar to chimpanzees than previously recognized.
Chimpanzee males are lifetime locals, but an ape “patrilineal system” to the monkey “matrilineal system” is impossible because a mother is known by observation and a father by inference. Hence, with promiscuity, kinship ties are limited to male siblings and mother–son. This dyad could theoretically create a cozy patrilineage with intergenerational continuity, but a hard-wired “incest taboo” (inbreeding avoidance) blocks this option as mother and son never mate (for discussions see Demarest 1977; Turner and Maryanski 2005). Edward Westermarck (1891) argued long ago that humans have a natural mechanism for sexual avoidance between close kin to prevent inbreeding depression (for a discussion on what Robin Fox nicknamed the “Westermarck affect” see Turner and Maryanski 2005 and Maryanski et al. 2012).
Among the 250+ primate species, only great apes and humans evolved the complex neural circuits for a self-identity. A personal self is rare and identified in only a few mammalian taxa.
Only random mutations can create new variations. Natural selection is a nonrandom force but can only act on the variation in a breeding population. As Darwin emphasized, species tend to produce more offspring than can survive in a given environment. So, phenotypes that confer an adaptive advantage are more likely to survive and reproduce. Selection can play a stabilizing role by keeping the population variation as is; it can play a disruptive role by favoring extreme ends over the intermediate types; or it can play a directive role by favoring particular phenotypes over other phenotypes. Direct rapid selection often occurs with migration or gene flow into a new environment. Unlike teleological reasoning in classical functional analysis where a need for something magically makes it happen, selection is not teleological: Phenotypes good enough to survive and reproduce pass their genes on to the next generation. Should better suited phenotypes or alleles be introduced by migration (or gene flow), it may increase their frequency over less suitable local alleles. Selection acts on individual phenotypes but individuals never evolve. Only the genes of reproducing individuals recombine in a gene pool to determine the phenotypes in the next generation with rapid directional direction, allele frequencies can differ dramatically from past generations.
Of course, a predisposition can usually be overridden by sociocultural forces. In horticultural societies, post-marital residential patterns vary because of demographic constraints, ecological factors, subsistence activities, political inequality, intergroup conflict, and the presence of external or internal warfare. Yet, matrilocal residence (even when combined with avunculocal residence), is still found only in a small number of societies. For example, in the Ethnographic Atlas of 858 societies (Murdock 1967), the residence rules are the following: Matrilocality 13.1%; Avunculocality 4.3%; Duolocality 0.9%; Bilocality 8.5%; Neolocality 4.7%, and Patrilocality 68.5% (Pasternak 1976, p. 44; Ember and Ember 1983; Maryanski 2021).
See Semendeferi and Damasio (2000), Semedeferi et al. (2002), Sherwood (2007) and Sherwood et al. (2005, 2008). Also, see Westermarck’s The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (1906–1908), a pathbreaking evolutionary and neurosociological approach to the human mind and the crucial role of emotions for social cohesion, moral responsibility, and human reciprocity.
Chimpanzees often engage in what is called the “line up.” It refers to a gathering of male chimpanzees who wait patiently for their turn to have sex with a receptive female. Creating other emotions for attachment, love, commitment, etc., was probably necessary for the nuclear family to evolve; and, like all else, in creating more structure to hominin societies, it was done indirectly by enhancing emotions.
The nuclear family is also the universal starting point for creating larger kinship networks. The polygynous family is just a compounded extension of the nuclear family because a single husband is shared and each wife has her own offspring, and usually her own residence. It is the cornerstone of a kinship institution in nearly every society. Unlike monkey matrilines, the nuclear family is a hybrid formation of biological and sociological relations: (1) a marital or affine tie; and (2) a parental–offspring blood tie.
Old-World monkeys, in contrast, would have had no problem living in open country, as they still do today with their high-density structures organized around male dominance hierarchies and female matrilines.
The evolution of the lateral nucleus in the amygdala is an exception to this generalization.
Without this hump and a sister nucleus on the opposite side of the brain, these structures critical to downloading brain thinking into speech and articulation more generally would have had to wait for a mutation, which might indeed have been an obstacle that could not have been overcome.
In chimpanzee communities, the communal gestural stock is familiar to all age and sex classes. However, juveniles and young adults favor particular gestures not used by adults (much like human teenagers). According to Goodall (1986), chimpanzees simply invent new gestures when needed.
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Further Readings
Davis, Kingsley, and W. Lloyd Warner. 1937. Structural Analysis of Kinship. American Anthropologist 37:291–313.
Maryanski, Alexandra. 1987. African Ape Social Structure: Is There Strength in Weak Ties? Social Networks 9:191–215.
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Maryanski, A., Turner, J.H. An Approach to Evolutionary Sociology and its Implications for Theorizing on Socio-Cultural Evolution. Köln Z Soziol (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11577-024-00939-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11577-024-00939-1