Abstract
The aim of this article is to account for the origins, to analyze the character and, to some extent, assess the significance of the recently increasing coordination among these various oppositional elements in Egypt that had in many respects backed themselves into an ideological corner by the shrill character, as well as sheer volume, of discourse aimed at criticizing, discrediting, even demonizing their political opponents. While much of the focus here is on the groups that that are often grouped with the now well known Egyptian Movement for Change, or Kifaya, is not only the existence of this ideologically diverse grouping, but the links it has created with the country’s largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood, that reveals the most about the changing landscape of Egyptian politics.
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Notes
The Muslim Brotherhood (al-ikhwan al-muslimun) was founded by Hassan al-Banna in Egypt in 1928. The group has been outlawed for most of its history and continually since 1954. The Revolutionary Socialists (al-ishtirakin al-thawri’in) are an underground, Trostkyite group. The Karama (Honor) Party was founded in 1999 by former members of the Nasirist party and still retains largely Nasirist principles. The Revolutionary Socialists are banned and their members have suffered persecution for the association with the group. The Karama Party remains unlicensed by the state. The Labor Party (hizb al-‘amal) was founded in 1978 as a socialist party, but eventually developed into a leftist-Islamist party. Its activities were frozen by the government in 2000. The Ghad (Tomorrow) is a liberal, secular party, founded by former members of the New Wafd Party and licensed in 2004. The National Progressive Unionist Party (Hizb al Tagammu‘ al-watani al-taqadumi al-wahdawi) was founded as coalition among Nasirists, Communists and Arab Nationalists in 1976 under the slogan “Freedom, socialism and unity.” Kifaya members prefer to refer to themselves a part of a “movement” (haraka) and have never sought party status.
The Emergency Law allows the government to detain indefinitely individuals without trial and the hearings of civilians by military, and prohibits gatherings of more than five people. On April 30, 2006, the Law was extended for two more years.
Kifaya’s manifesto and other documents can be found at: www.harakamasria.org.
Article 76 stipulates that presidential candidates must obtain the backing of the People’s Assembly, the Shura Council and local councils.
According to a recent International Crisis Group report, “the Egyptian Judges Club has been waging a long-term campaign to restore the independence of the judiciary, which it considers has been severely infringed by the Free Officers’ regime since 1952 but especially in recent years. In 1990 it published detailed proposals for reform of the judiciary, which it has been pressing ever since” (ICG 2005, 23 n. 131).
Much of the characterization of the difference between these two “guards” draws from the excellent study by Elad-Altman (2005).
One must also note the important work of ‘Abd al-Ghaffar Shukr (1994), which documents earlier interactions among various ideologically opposed forces.
Muslim Brotherhood candidates ran as independents in the 2000 and 2005 legislative elections.
This explanation for the departure of Wasat’s Christian members was confirmed by a number of other individuals interviewed who requested to remain anonymous. Asked in the same interview if he would still be a member of the Wasat had there not been pressure to resign, Habib confirmed he would. Asked whether he would join the Muslim Brotherhood if it were ever licensed as a political party, Habib replied: “It think so.”
For an overview of the thought of Wasatiyya trend see Baker (2003).
This long view is apparent as well in the group’s “platform” published at the same time as Najib’s justification for working with the Muslim Brotherhood. See Revolutionary Socialists (2006).
Nur received only 7.6% of the vote. Nu‘man Guma‘ of the Wafd Party finished third with 2.9%.
Habib is the son of the former leader of the Anglican Church, Bishop Samuel Habib, who died in 1997.
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When available, dates are provided for those individuals discussed in the article in order to give the reader a sense of generational overlaps and divisions.
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Browers, M. The Egyptian movement for change: Intellectual antecedents and generational conflicts. Cont Islam 1, 69–88 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-007-0006-y
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-007-0006-y