Introduction

Education is often regarded as the most effective rehabilitative tool available in carceral facilities. As a result, many countries worldwide have prioritised offenders’ access to education as a basic human right (Behan 2021), in compliance with United Nations (UN) declarations, standards and conventions, including the UN Standard Minimum Rules for Treatment of Prisoners of 1955, which were revised and adopted as the Mandela Rules of 2015 (UNODC 2015; Vandala and Bendall 2019). The largest, most extensively recorded study on the topic of higher education behind bars was conducted in 2016 in the United States (US) by the Research and Development (RAND) Corporation. This study found substantial evidence that US prison education programmes are effective, in terms of cost to the state, improving employment outcomes, and reducing recidivism (Davis 2019). Indeed, this study ignited increased interest in global research on the role of carceral education (Baranger et al. 2018; Giles et al. 2016; Manger et al. 2020; Rangel Torrijo and De Maeyer 2019; Reese 2019; Sokoloff and Schenck-Fontaine 2017) due to its reported benefits, which include higher levels of employment and desistance (the cessation of offending), as well as successful community reintegration.

However, research has shown that approaching education for incarcerated students with the singular goal of rehabilitation prioritises education not as a basic human right but as a means to an end for governments and carceral institutions to save on costs, reduce recidivism and increase employability (Castro and Gould 2018; Evans 2018; McCorkel and DeFina 2019; Salane 2013). Instead, these studies emphasise the role of carceral education as empowering, enabling students to understand their place in society and reduce experiences of stigmatisation and marginalisation (Costelloe 2014; Lopez 2019; Vandala and Bendall 2019). Accordingly, research on education in correctional facilities has the potential to explore its personal empowerment capabilities, as well as the possible implications for incarcerated people’s broader social interactions and functioning (Ginsburg 2019; Sokoloff and Schenck-Fontaine 2017). There is, however, a dearth of research that explores the empowering potential of carceral tertiary education and, more specifically, the educational experiences of incarcerated women in the Global South.

Where are the women?

The numbers of incarcerated women worldwide have increased, with more than 100,000 women and girls incarcerated between 2010 and 2020 (Lenihan 2020). This 60% increase since 2000 is much faster and nearly three times higher than the estimated 22% increase in the male carceral population during the same period (Fair and Walmsley 2022; WPB 2022; Youngers 2022). Yet, incarcerated women remain underserved by educational programmes (Van Wormer and Bartollas 2021). A report based on a detailed multinational analysis from Penal Reform International (PRI) found that fewer educational and training opportunities are available for incarcerated women than for men, with existing programmes “of poorer quality than those offered to male detainees” (Huber 2015, p. 15). The dearth of research on equal access for incarcerated women to higher education stems from a general lack of research on the personal and social consequences of incarceration for women (Rose and Rose 2014; Ryder 2020; Spark and Harris 2005).

The global phenomenon of increased female incarceration has not evaded South Africa, which has seen an increase in the incarcerated female population from 2.2% of the country’s total carceral population in 2005 to 2.6% in 2015 (Fair and Walmsley 2022; PRI 2021). When considering the particularities of the population of incarcerated women in the South African context, it is important to note that the country has one of the largest carceral populations on the African continent (WPB 2022). The Department of Correctional Services (DCS) reports that for the 2020/2021 period there were 140,948 individuals incarcerated in South Africa, of whom 137,495 are men and 3,453 are women (DCS 2021). Little current research exists on the educational experiences of these men and women (Agboola et al. 2022; Daniels 2020; Moore 2016; Quan-Baffour and Zawada 2012), and no critical research exists on the higher education experiences of women incarcerated in South Africa. This qualitative exploratory research study aims to fill this gap in the literature by detailing narratives of the empowering effects of higher education for seven women studying while incarcerated in South Africa.

Education – beyond employment towards empowerment

Empowerment is both a process and the result of the process through which power is redistributed between classes, races or genders in the context of personal agency or in a community (Ammari et al. 2022). In correctional facilities, an individual’s freedoms are restricted as punishment for their transgressions. As a result of their loss of autonomy, their agency is severely curtailed, often leaving them feeling dehumanised and disempowered (Conway 2023). Education has long been viewed as a liberating agent for personal empowerment as well as engendering peer empowerment through more human and equal relationships, particularly in communities that experience societal inequalities or powerlessness (Freire 1985; Wallerstein 1993; Veugelers 2017). This is especially true for carceral education. Researchers investigating the effects of higher education attainment in incarcerated populations have noted intrapersonal benefits such as self-confidence and emancipation, as well as experiences of mutual respect and empathy (Conway 2023; Korzh 2021; Ostini and Farley 2022). In a study with 21 formerly incarcerated male and female students in the US, Patrick Conway found that higher education behind bars encouraged students’ individual agency, while also providing capacities for the critical skills needed to better place life experiences into context. This assisted students in developing greater empathy and inspired a desire to positively impact the lives of others through peer empowerment (Conway 2023). Critical studies like these prove that when the objectives of delivering higher education behind bars are not limited to reduced recidivism or increased post-release employment opportunities, it can make a significant contribution to personal and peer empowerment.

As stated by Nadeera Rajapakse (2016), higher education policies often prioritise the development of human capital, with the ultimate objective of promoting economic growth. The current study, however, provides a far more holistic interpretation of higher education as an empowerment process, rather than merely as a tool for the purpose of increasing the economic productivity and employment rates of incarcerated individuals post release. The conceptual framework is based on the capabilities approach, which was pioneered in the 1980s by Nobel economics laureate Amartya Sen and developed further by feminist philosopher Martha Nussbaum. This innovative epistemic contribution focuses on human well-being and development (Kuhumba 2018; Nussbaum 1999; Robeyns 2017, Sen 1993). In the views of Sen and Nussbaum, capabilities provide the freedom to live life in a way that allows for agency; in other words, a person’s ability to advance goals that they value and have reason to value (Ammari et al. 2022; Nussbaum 2000; Sen 2005). In the capabilities approach, empowerment is seen as the expansion of individual agency and extends towards peer empowerment. As the capabilities approach integrates empowerment and social justice, it raises additional perspectives on the instrumental role of education in building a more just society for all, while taking into account human development and agency.

Since the capabilities approach invokes understandings of carceral higher education in the context of education for social justice, it provides a critical perspective on empowerment behind bars, particularly for vulnerable groups such as women (Lo and Rahmi 2015). As the reviewed literature shows, women’s and girls’ educational opportunities and needs are routinely overlooked in the criminal justice system (especially when compared to male education and training programmes), despite their growing proportion in the global carceral population (Huber 2015; Kyazze 2018). This inequity is compounded by the fact that most of these women have histories of poor access to education and come from very poor backgrounds (Kyazze 2018). Inequalities are fundamental to these women’s functioning and capabilities, as they affect their ability to convert any of their scant resources into capabilities (McCorkel and DeFina 2019; Munger et al. 2016; Parry 2020; Walker 2018; Walker and Unterhalter 2007). It is crucial to first understand this inequality when assessing the capacity of incarcerated women to function as students, as well as the interplay between and impacts of their personal, situational, societal and cultural circumstances. In the course of a collaborative research process, these women’s experiences of higher education come to the fore and are contextualised through their individual behaviours, motivations and actions, within their broader lived environment, to provide nuanced understandings of their personal and peer empowerment experiences.

Participants, data and method

This study set out to address gaps in the literature by presenting the narratives of women who pursue tertiary education while incarcerated in South Africa’s largest correctional facility. Fourteen women were enrolled at a tertiary educational institution, and seven of those agreed to take part in this study (Table 1). The other seven women declined to participate due to test dates and/or busy schedules, despite my assurances that I could accommodate their deadlines.

Table 1 Biographical demographics of participants
Full size table

Each in-depth narrative interview lasted between 40 and 70 minutes and was conducted on a voluntary basis with signed consent forms and pseudonyms to ensure anonymity. The women interviewed were of various ages, racial, cultural, and socioeconomic backgrounds, and were serving various lengths of sentence. All participants were South African citizens, aged between 32 and 58, with four identifying as African, two as Indian and one as Caucasian. Six of the women preferred not to disclose the offence for which they had been sentenced, stating that it was not pertinent to their current tertiary education efforts.

An incarcerated person is especially vulnerable when involved in research; thus, increased ethical considerations and respect for participants’ decision-making autonomy is required. In order to avoid coercion, the participants were informed about the nature of the research in a briefing session in which it was made clear that participation was voluntary. Those who chose to be interviewed signed consent forms which explained that they could withdraw at any time without repercussions. The participants were asked to create their own pseudonyms, choosing names that corresponded to their culture and identity while ensuring their anonymity. Credibility was obtained through in-depth member checking with the women, with whom the transcripts and findings were shared and confirmed as accurate. By obtaining approval from three ethical review boards prior to conducting the research, one of which was the DCS Research Ethics Committee (REC), I endeavoured to address all possible concerns regarding the ethical requirements of the study.

Data for this qualitative exploratory research study were collected using key informant interviews. During these audio-recorded unstructured interviews, emphasis was placed on capturing participants’ voices in order to situate their lived experiences within their social circumstances. This approach is considered suitable for gaining in-depth understanding of incarcerated women’s experiences, and is often used by researchers on a variety of topics related to the carceral environment to investigate research questions that have not previously been studied in depth (Zhang and Flynn 2020). Through thematic analysis of the interview transcripts, pertinent words, sentences and paragraphs that aligned with the resulting themes were coded for further critical reflection. The transcripts show how higher education provided opportunities for them to develop capabilities that empowered them and improved their well-being, as well as allowing them to support their peers.

Findings

The following sections describe the women’s experiences of empowerment, which ultimately led to personal capabilities development and peer empowerment, based on the participants’ own statements.

Tertiary education as a path to personal empowerment

In the context of a broader mixed methods study on Open Distance e-Learning (ODeL) behind bars that included a scoping review (Parry 2023, 2024), seven incarcerated women were interviewed to share their experiences of higher education. Each of the women explained how obtaining a degree had empowered them. This single commonality was the most important outcome of higher learning and had led to personal growth and the pursuit of other interests and further opportunities as the women’s self-confidence grew. Zeenat explained this as follows:

“I’m developing myself as much as I can … we try to keep ourselves busy. I’ve learnt, I’ve developed a skill with embroidery, and I’ve started to exercise in the morning, myself and [Lesedi], that keeps us going. I even worked in the kitchen. I gardened. I’ve got a herb garden …. So, in a way I’m using this time to just develop myself more ... Education just gives you something to ... to focus on. It gives you something to focus on and gives you a purpose to wake up in the morning. You know, if it wasn’t for the education, well, what would we be doing? It’s the only means of rehabilitation because it’s opening your mind up also and expanding you … So, [educational institution] give [sic] us dignity and I think that’s the thing that [education has] done. It gives you ... it’s giving you dignity, which is so important.”

Yusra spoke most passionately of her journey to empowerment through tertiary education. She disclosed her trajectory towards personal growth, beyond the challenges she had faced:

“I’ve found it [tertiary education] to be very empowering because I was a person that was never outspoken. I was always … very shy, very reserved … And when you know and you don’t have education, you’re always scared to talk because you never know if you’re saying the right words or pronouncing it properly. So, with education, it’s empowered me along the way, it definitely has. So, I grew up in a home where the men dominated. I never got a chance to ever speak out, so even growing up I was in a very abusive [home] … So, I was very, very reserved and ... and if there’s one thing I will tell you, and in [all my] years in prison, I felt safe. I have ... nobody abused me in these 12 years the way I was abused in 14 years of marriage, and it actually gave me an opportunity to be able to speak out. To interact with other females … because I never had that growing up.”

Lesedi explained her feelings of empowerment through tertiary education and the subsequent personal growth it offered while providing opportunities for her to find employment post release and prove herself to her community:

“It [studying] was hard at first, but now I think I’m falling in love with it, I’m starting to understand and wanna do more and learn more … So, it did open my eyes and the way I see things. And people cannot trust you if you are not educated, you need to build a name for yourself and you need to prove that you have done something that people can see and evidence that you have done. With the reputation I ... I have … I don’t have a good reputation, so it brings fear to me that, okay, I’ve been painted this cruel woman … I know I’m not that … and now I have to live to prove myself … So, I think any person can change, but if it’s that going to school … there’s a hope that you’ll be something, that you can look for a better job, or you can do business by myself [sic].”

For Faith, internal motivation to study and her feelings of empowerment stemmed from the pride she felt as an inspiration for her children:

“But ... anyway, if you are studying in prison, you have a better chance to [inspire] your kids outside because now, if I can study at my age, then they could see that Mama is really serious about education, and that motivated my kids.”

Tertiary education as a tool for peer empowerment

One commonly reported lived experience that was communicated during the interviews was the role higher education had played in the women themselves becoming educators. Five of the seven women had taken it upon themselves to mentor and teach other incarcerated women, both formally an informally. Zeenat explained how this mentorship had not only helped empower other women in the facility with her, but had personal benefits for her as well:

“We’re trying to do things and I help all the other students, young girls with their home [issues] … come to me if they have problems … or need something … I’m helping the students and reading lots of books and – you can’t sleep much here, so you keep – your mind [must be] busy all the time.”

Mindi stated that

“When I was initially transferred here, I started teaching. And I started like, you know when you feel like ... when you feel like somehow, you’re paying back something just by contributing, you know?”

Similarly, Yusra explained the importance of peer empowerment, inspiring other women to improve their skill sets:

“It was last year when I came here and I was teaching Grade 10, I was teaching them English, and I think the challenges from the learners actually pushed me … pushed me back into my studies … [Now] I actually teach the ladies throughout the whole prison … I teach them different skills … different types of painting, paper beading … uhm, decoupage. I teach them all types of skills. So, a lot of them that’s going to Parole Board have to have a skill in order to go [outside] … I’d love to teach the skills that I learnt in here, empower women on the outside and I’d love to be a motivational speaker because there’s a lot that actually happened that landed me in here ... and at times I just wish that I had spoken up.”

Lesedi described how the COVID-19 pandemicFootnote 1 had intensified the need for educators who were housed in carceral facilities during the countrywide lockdown:

“The teaching, I had to help … because during the COVID, they released most of the teachers. So, I had to step in to help … but once I started, I realised that I’m falling in love with it … Then I said, I will just continue … and see if you [sic] can help the others. Because the school year is like a challenge to the ladies. They don’t ... they ... they struggle to complete a year. They are accepted January, but come winter ... because the place is so cold … they walk out. So, if just, let’s say, [I] can motivate [them], because it’s not fun when you are alone, doing something … So, it also encourages me to [study], let’s do this thing together, not alone.”

Again, the narrative of self-empowerment obtained through higher learning was enmeshed with a sense of social responsibility and peer empowerment. Lerato explained as follows:

“So, we’ve got a sisterhood … I know that if I’m not okay, I can go to [Lesedi] and [she] will help me with whatever and if I’m going through whatever. So, I find the support system within the ladies here in the correctional centre, that we are detained with … I want to take women’s rights into consideration and I wanna fight for women’s rights … I want to pursue that and help women like myself. This is what motivated me to take [a] law [degree] …”

Discussion

Research on tertiary education behind bars must consider incarcerated students’ own knowledge and agency. This study sought to generate a more holistic interpretation of higher education as a means of personal and peer empowerment for women, by critically considering the role of higher education in that empowerment, rather than approaching higher education in correctional facilities primarily as a way to reduce recidivism or increase post-release employability (Costelloe 2014). When understandings of the objective of delivering higher education behind bars are not limited, they can make a significant contribution to students’ “well-being, citizenship and social cohesion” (Farley and Pike 2018, p. 82). This is evident in the women’s lived experiences, as they explained that for them, tertiary education was not only a path to self-empowerment, but to peer empowerment as well. These learners’ testimonies highlight the positive cycle of self-empowerment through education leading to the empowerment of others.

Narratives of personal and peer empowerment were demonstrated in Lesedi’s statements that for her, higher education had led to personal growth, her pursuit of other interests and her furthering education opportunities of others, through which she wished to prove herself to her community when released. For Faith, higher education offered the opportunity to reconnect with and be an inspiration for her children and support their educational journeys. Zeenat explained how higher education had restored her dignity and provided her with the capacity to mentor others. These narratives fill the aforementioned research gaps (Rose and Rose 2014; Ryder 2020; Spark and Harris 2005) and demonstrate the empowering impacts of higher education, giving women a sense of sisterhood and belonging (Conway 2023), hope for the future and the opportunity to connect with family members (Prins et al. 2009), not solely with the intention of improving their employment prospects (Iñiguez-Berrozpe et al. 2020). Through critical understanding gained from the capabilities approach, we can see how the empowering effects of higher education establish and galvanise communities of women, developing their own capabilities and the capability to empower others. As Nussbaum (2000) notes, these forms of capabilities development are crucial to making women’s emancipation a reality.

Through better and more gender-specific understandings of how higher education contributes to the developmental well-being of women who are incarcerated, its expansion of their capabilities and consequently their communities’ capabilities, we can better assess the contribution of carceral higher education to positive social action and social justice. Nussbaum (1999) states that women all over the world have generationally lacked support for central human functions, yet they have the potential to develop these functions, given sufficient education and other support. The capabilities approach supported by higher education behind bars has the potential to forge a compassionate community with a social conscience; this becomes evident from the narratives of Zeenat, Mindi, Yusra, Lesedi and Lerato. Through their higher education journey, these women developed an attitude of civic competency that helped them find their place and responsibilities in society. When viewed through the lens of the capabilities approach, their stories demonstrate the value of education as a resource that contributes to their empowerment and the development of their capabilities, allowing them to develop greater agency and foster peer empowerment within their communities.

Conclusion

When higher education behind bars is treated as a resource through a capability-based approach, it fulfils an empowering and distributive role: facilitating the development of the capabilities of marginalised and excluded women, which in turn facilitates redistributive effects between social groups (Walker 2018). As the unique narratives contained in this study show, higher education offers opportunities for capabilities development for women that not only improves their chances of post-release employability and desistance, but also allows them to develop capabilities to support their peers and their own personal development. It can facilitate significant life changes by empowering women students who are incarcerated to make choices that maximise their human potential and expand their sense of social responsibility and humanity (Costelloe 2014). The findings presented here contribute to the knowledge gap in research on incarcerated women in the Global South and show how their experiences of higher education can promote personal and peer empowerment.

Limitations and further research

The narratives emerging from this study should be understood in the context of women completing tertiary education within the carceral system in South Africa, which influenced the sample size. It was not the aim of this exploratory qualitative study to quantify findings into a universal narrative. Rather, it set out to make known the circumstances of these women, inserting their regulated and peripheral voices into the modest body of literature that exists on women who are incarcerated in South Africa.

The data collected in this study confirm a positive relationship between carceral higher education and women’s empowerment. As such, any rehabilitative policies or actions developed by the DCS should consider educational opportunities for incarcerated women’s individual development and re-integration. Similarly, situating higher learning programmes in a gender-responsive milieu is important for ensuring the maximum benefit of higher education initiatives for incarcerated women as marginal and non-traditional students.

Although this exploratory study was limited by the fact that it only investigated at a single correctional facility in South Africa, it contextualises and confirms the international literature on the importance of education behind bars. There is a need for more research on the empowerment capabilities of primary and secondary education opportunities for women and girls in South African correctional facilities. Formerly incarcerated women could also provide insights into the long-term empowerment impacts of such opportunities after release. Research representing women with such specific educational, social and economic needs must be endorsed if the DCS in South Africa is to play its part in achieving UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 4 (Quality Education), 5 (Gender Equality) and 10 (Reduced Inequalities) for incarcerated women by 2030.