Abstract
The Citizen School Project (Escola Cidadã) was implemented from 1993 to 2004 in Porto Alegre, capital of the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul. This article presents the conception behind the Citizen School Project, the basic mechanisms created to implement and evaluate its strengths and weaknesses, and some of its contradictions. After contextualising the educational reforms in Brazil during the 1980s and 1990s, the authors demonstrate how the Citizen School Project’s emphasis on participation and democratisation was a radical departure from Brazil’s traditional public education system. Next, they present the three main goals and structures of the Citizen School Project – democratisation of access to schools, democratisation of schools’ administration, and democratisation of access to knowledge. They conclude by discussing some pedagogic, social and political dynamics which appear to be strong legacies of this pedagogical project. The authors also argue that the Citizen School Project has both improved the quality of education in Porto Alegre and is an important contribution to our collective thinking about the politics of “successful” educational policies.
Résumé
L’héritage pédagogique et éthique d’une réforme éducative « réussie » : le projet « École citoyenne » – Le projet de l’école citoyenne (Escola Cidadã) a été réalisé de 1993 à 2004 à Porto Alegre, capitale de l’État brésilien Rio Grande do Sul. Cet article présente la conception à la base de ce projet, les mécanismes fondamentaux mis en place pour le réaliser et pour évaluer ses forces et ses faiblesses, ainsi que quelques-unes de ses contradictions. Après avoir contextualisé les réformes éducatives du Brésil au cours des années 1980 et 1990, les auteurs montrent que l’accent du projet de l’école citoyenne mis sur la participation et la démocratisation a été un changement d’orientation radical par rapport au système traditionnel de l’éducation publique au Brésil. Ils décrivent ensuite les trois grands objectifs et également structures du projet : démocratisation de l’accès à l’école, démocratisation de l’administration scolaire et démocratisation de l’accès aux connaissances. Ils concluent en analysant plusieurs dynamiques pédagogiques, sociales et politiques qui se révèlent être le solide héritage de ce projet pédagogique. Les auteurs constatent par ailleurs que l’école citoyenne a amélioré la qualité de l’éducation à Porto Alegre et contribue en outre fortement à la pensée collective sur les politiques générant des stratégies éducatives « réussies ».
Resumen
El legado pedagógico y ético de una reforma educativa “éxitosa”: El Proyecto Escuela Ciudadana – El Proyecto Escuela Ciudadana (Escola Cidadã) se llevó a cabo desde 1993 hasta 2004 en Porto Alegre, capital del estado brasileño de Río Grande do Sul. En este artículo se presenta la conceptualización del Proyecto Escuela Ciudadana, los mecanismos básicos creados para su implementación y para evaluar fortalezas y debilidades, y algunas de sus contradicciones. Después de contextualizar las reformas educativas en Brasil durante los años 1980 y 1990, los autores demuestran cómo el énfasis del Proyecto de Escuela Ciudadana en la participación y la democratización fue un cambio radical respecto del sistema de educación pública tradicional de Brasil. Luego, se presentan los tres objetivos principales y las estructuras del Proyecto Escuela Ciudadana – democratización del acceso a las escuelas, la democratización de la administración de las escuelas, y la democratización del acceso al conocimiento. Concluyen discutiendo algunas, dinámicas pedagógicas, sociales y políticas que parecen ser los legados fuertes de este proyecto pedagógico. Los autores también argumentan que el Proyecto Escuela Ciudadana mejoró la calidad de la educación en Porto Alegre y es una importante contribución a nuestro pensamiento colectivo sobre la política de las políticas educativas “exitosas”.
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Notes
The Workers’ Party (leading a coalition of leftist parties) governed the city from 1989 to 2004, but it was not until the second term, which started in 1993, that the Citizen School Project was implemented.
Our reflections are based on extensive research on the Citizen School Project. Luis Armando Gandin has been conducting research, through interviews with city officials, teachers, parents and students, and observations in schools, for the past 15 years. Gustavo E. Fischman has conducted fieldwork on the Citizen School Project over two different periods and has been analysing educational reform in Brazil since 1995. For our combined published work on the Citizen School Project and details about it, see: Fischman and McLaren (2000); Fischman and Gandin (2007, 2009) and Gandin (2009, 2010, 2011).
This example is taken from Gustavo E. Fischman’s fieldwork and, for that reason, uses the first person.
In many parts of Brazil, and particularly in poor neighbourhoods, teachers are usually addressed as “Aunties”. This is a very common strategy which relates to the particular gender regimes of schools in Brazil. Paulo Freire described this situation in the following way: “To accept the ‘aunt’ identification does not provide any positive value. It means, on the contrary, the taking away of something which is fundamental to the teacher: her professional responsibility… [it] is almost like saying that female teachers, like good aunts, must not fight, must not rebel, must not got on strike” (Freire 1997, p. 79, italics in the original; our translation). For a more detailed discussion of the gendered dimensions of teaching in Latin America, see Fischman (2007).
Coined by cultural theorist Stuart Hall, “articulation” is used here (and a few more times in this paper) as a concept to mean linkage or connection.
All quotations attributed to a Portuguese-language source have been translated by the authors for the purposes of this paper.
It is beyond the scope of this article to engage in a critical discussion of the changes in the political economy of Brazil since the 1990s, but it is important to acknowledge that the social, economic and political context of Brazil, and in particular of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, in the 1980s and early 1990s was quite different from the present situation. The legacy of the movements against the Brazilian dictatorship and the struggles around notions of justice and democratisation generated multiple spaces for hope, and experiments in “participatory democracy” were implemented in several cities and municipalities throughout the country. The Workers’ Party was quite active, and in most cases pioneered those experiments, which were quite instrumental in providing the popular support which made two Workers’ Party leaders, Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva (2003–2011) and Dilma Rousseff (2012-current) presidents of Brazil. However, the social, economic and political context and the Workers’ Party in 2016 look significantly different from the context and the Workers’ Party of the 1990s.
The government of the city of Porto Alegre was also a key supporter and host of the first three editions of the World Social Forum (2001–2003) and of the 2001 World Educational Forum in this region. Porto Alegre is the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, a state which is also the birthplace of the Movement of the Landless (Movimento dos Sem Terra; MST), a very significant and relevant social and pedagogical movement. For a thorough and comprehensive analysis of the pedagogical implications of the MST, see Tarlau (2013).
Brazil approved a new constitution in 1988, establishing that education is “a right that belongs to everybody; the duty of the State and of families, promoted and stimulated with the cooperation of society, with a view to the full development of the individual for the exercise of citizenship and preparation for work” (Brasil 1988). Furthermore, in 1996, the federal Educational National Guidelines Law No. 9,394 (Lei das Diretrizes e Bases da Educação; LDB) was established (Brasil 1996). According to Ulisses Azevedo Leitão, “The LDB created mechanisms for administration, organisation and financial support for the public education system. One of the main initiatives was the implementation of the Fund for Maintenance and Development of Elementary Education (FUNDEF) in 1997, expanded into the Fund for the Development of Basic Education and Valorisation of Education Professionals (FUNDEB) in 2006, which aims to improve the distribution and use of resources inside each state for primary public education. By law, the states and municipalities have to invest at least 25 per cent of their tax and transfers revenues in the public education system. These resources provide financial support to constitute FUNDEB/FUNDEF. Therefore, in these past few decades, the country almost universalized the access of the entire population in elementary school” (Leitão 2015, pp. 7–8).
The OP also debated citywide matters such as public transportation, health and social assistance, economic development and taxation, urban development, education, culture and leisure. For discussions of the pedagogical implications of OP, see Schugurensky (2006).
Evelina Dagnino notes that “Initiated in Porto Alegre, in the south of Brazil, in 1989, participatory-budget experiments exist today in around 100 other cities and are coming to be considered as models for countries such as Mexico, Uruguay, Bolivia, Argentina, Peru, and Ecuador. Because of their success, participatory budgets have recently been adopted by other parties in Brazil, some of them clearly for electoral purposes” (Dagnino 2003, p. 7).
The process of organisation of the Constituent Assembly took a considerable amount of time. The whole process started in March 1994, lasted 18 months, and involved thematic meetings in the schools, regional meetings, the Assembly itself, and the elaboration of the schools’ internal regulation. The themes which guided the discussion were school governance, curriculum, principles for living together, and evaluation.
For American philosopher and educationist John Dewey, the sense of real democracy was “a name for a life of free and enriching communion” (Dewey 1938, p. 184). The notion that democracy requires effective communication and participation is eloquently expressed in the following: “The devotion of democracy to education is a familiar fact. The superficial explanation is that a government resting upon popular suffrage cannot be successful unless those who elect and who obey their governors are educated. Since a democratic society repudiates the principle of external authority, it must find a substitute in voluntary disposition and interest; these can be created only by education. But there is a deeper explanation. A democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience” (Dewey 2016; quoted in Vinson et al. 2001, p. 7; italics added).
The introduction of the cycles meant a reorganisation of time (students’ learning was evaluated more often – to guarantee that they were not left behind – and pupils were also given more time to learn) but also spatial modifications, since the architecture of the schools was modified according to pedagogical goals, for example to favour collaboration among teachers and students or to promote creative activities.
These steps changed slightly over time and among schools, but this description summarises the core of SMED’s proposal for the schools.
The school council reserves 50 per cent of seats for teachers and staff and 50 per cent for parents and students. One seat is guaranteed to a member of the administration of the school, usually the principal, who is elected (her/himself) by all members of the school. The principal and her/his team are responsible for the implementation of the policies defined by the school council.
This is a unique aspect of the Citizen School Project. Archon Fung, who studied Local School Councils in Chicago and classified them as highly positive, nevertheless suggested that “centralized interventions, themselves formulated through deliberation, would then further enhance the deliberative, participatory, and empowered character of otherwise isolated local actions” (Fung 1999, p. 26). This combination, deemed ideal by Fung, is exactly what was achieved in Porto Alegre.
We should point out that there are different models of pedagogical cycles and our comments are restricted to the model implemented in Porto Alegre. For an analysis of models of pedagogical cycles see the work of Elba Barreto and Sandra Sousa (2004); Barreto and Eleny Mitrulis (1999) and Jefferson Mainardes (2006).
The fact that the Citizen School Project, aiming to resist a centralised curriculum and standardised testing, both of which were being promoted at the national level when the project was being implemented in the late 1990s, has to be contrasted with the current context of Brazil, in which the federal government (of the same political party which governed Porto Alegre 1989–2004) is pushing for exactly these centralised policies. This begs the important question: would a proposal based on participatory and decentralised democracy have the same chance now? For an analysis of assessment policies implemented in Brazil, see Bonamino and Oliveira (2013) and Leitão (2015). We want to thank one of the anonymous reviewers for drawing our attention to the relevance of acknowledging the contextual changes.
We follow French philosopher Jacques Rancière in understanding “democracy” not just as set of moral procedures, political rules and forms of government, “but as a political act of subjectification, as a challenge to the distribution of the sensible, to the ways in which the world is perceived, thought and acted upon” (Friedrich et al. 2010, p. 572).
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Fischman, G.E., Gandin, L.A. The pedagogical and ethical legacy of a “successful” educational reform: The Citizen School Project . Int Rev Educ 62, 63–89 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11159-016-9542-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11159-016-9542-0