Abstract
There are two well-established empirical regularities about voters. First, they entertain systematically biased beliefs about how public policies affect economic outcomes. Second, voters vote retrospectively: they punish the incumbent for poor and reward him for good macroeconomic performance. Thus, political parties face a trade-off: offering popular yet economically harmful policies increases the chance of being elected today, but decreases the chance of re-election. We provide the first rigorous game-theoretical analysis of the trade-off. The model addresses two questions: How can biased beliefs and retrospective voting be explained consistently? What policy outcomes emerge in party competition? To micro-found persistently biased beliefs we introduce the psychological concept of mental models. Deviating from earlier studies, we allow parties to choose strategic mixtures of populist (i.e., bad yet popular) and good (but less popular) platforms. We show that retrospective voting provides a self-correction mechanism, so that parties offer strategic mixtures of policies in equilibrium rather than purely populist or purely good policy platforms. Thus, democracy is characterized by mediocre policy choices and half-hearted reforms. An incumbent bias or unclear responsibilities weaken the self-correction mechanism.
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Notes
Terms like cognitive maps, folks theory or naive theory refer to the same basic concept (e.g., Dutke 1994: 12).
Schofield (2004) points at the fact that Israel’s military is a powerful group. Arguably, Ariel Scharon was considered a competent politician because his links to the military allowed him to make commitments in negotiations with Palestinian representatives that are more credible than commitments of politicians lacking these links.
Borgonovi et al. (2010) find a positive link between years of schooling and information acquisition on politics and current affairs. In democracy, in turn, the level of schooling is comparatively high (Helliwell 1994; Barro 1996: 12). This supports the notion that the level of politically relevant information among voters in democracies is generally sufficient to differentiate between poor and good economic results.
In the policy vector each row represents a certain policy field and the value of η t in this row states which policy instrument is applied. For instance, one row could represent personal income taxation and the value of η t in this row states whether the current government applies a dual income tax, or some other concept. Another row may represent wage policy and the value states whether or not there is a minimum wage.
This can be backed with at least three arguments: (i) election t+2 is located eight to ten years in the future where party leaders are likely to have lost their leading position; (ii) given the VP function literature, the next terms’ policy is unlikely to significantly determine the valence perceptions of the voters in t+2; (iii) the incumbent in some democracies, for instance the U.S. President, loses power after two terms due to term limits.
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Acknowledgements
We thank John Ashworth, Pierre-Guillaume Méon, Jochen Michaelis, Markus Müller, Richard Pepper, Eva Söbbeke, James Vreeland, the participants of the 2008 and 2009 Annual Meetings of the EPCS in Jena and Athens, the 2009 Annual Congress of the European Economic Association (EEA) in Barcelona, the 2009 Annual Meeting of the Verein für Socialpolitik in Magdeburg as well as of the 2008 Beyond Basic Questions (BBQ) Conference in Göttingen and two anonymous referees for very helpful comments.
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Appendix
Appendix
Proof of Proposition 1
Based on (20) the first-order condition for the optimal choice of \(\beta_{1}^{A}\) is given by:
It follows:
Therefore, \(\beta_{1}^{A} = 0\) if f<δv(1+2v 0)/(1+2δv) and \(\beta_{1}^{A} = 1\) iff≥δv(1+2v 0)/(1−2δv). For the optimal choice of party B we simply have to substitute \(+ v_{0}^{j} = + v_{0}^{A}\) for \(+ v_{0}^{B} = - v_{0}^{A} <0\) in (20). Therefore, \(\beta_{1}^{B} = \frac{1}{2} +\frac{1}{4} \cdot\bigl[ \frac{f - \delta v( 1 - 2v_{0}^{A} )}{f\delta v} \bigr]\) with \(\beta_{1}^{B} = 0\) if f<δv(1−2v 0)/(1+2δv) and \(\beta_{1}^{B} = 1\) if f≥δv(1−2v 0)/(1−2δv). □
Lemma A.1
Assume a discrete number of n voters with an identical probability of voting for party j in period t given by \(\pi_{it}^{j} = \varPi_{t}^{j} = p\), for all i=1,…,n. Then, function M(Π t ) is very well approximated by:
Proof of Lemma A.1 by simulation
Assuming identical probabilities, and knowing that a party will only be the incumbent when at least n/2+1 voters support the party, we use the Bernoulli distribution (Rinne 2003: 253) to obtain as conditional vote share:
It is possible to derive the first and second derivative for M(p). Yet, the resulting expressions do not allow for a general conclusion with respect to their sign. We simulated the function and its first and second derivative for p=0 to p=1 applying n=1 000 000. Plotting the simulation results (Fig. 1) we obtain a figure depicting a functional form very close to Eq. (26). This result holds for realistic values for the number of eligible voters n.
□
Proof of Proposition 2
Based on (21) the first-order condition for the optimal choice of \(\beta_{1}^{A}\) is given by:
where \(\varepsilon_{M( x_{t} ),x_{t}}\) is the elasticity of function M(⋅) at location x t ={Π t ,1−Π t }. The Implicit Function Theorem applied to (28) reveals
where A represents \(\frac{\partial \varTheta _{t}^{A}( \cdot )}{\partial \beta _{t}^{A}}\) in the optimum, that is, where A=0. We obtain:
While the sign of the nominator of (29) is clearly positive, the sign of the denominator is open a priori. Applying Lemma A.1 in (21), it is easy to show that:
Analogously, we obtain the same expression for party B, with the only difference that the term with \(v_{0}^{A}\) has an opposite sign. Comparing (31) and (25), it turns out that with incumbent bias ρ Inc the expression increases for both parties by \(\frac{1}{4}\frac{\rho}{v}\) if the party is expecting to lose the election (\(\varPi_{t} < \frac{1}{2}\)), or even by \(\frac{1}{2}\frac{\rho}{v}\) if the party expects to win (\(\varPi_{t}\ge\frac{1}{2}\)). Consequently, we obtain \(\frac{\partial \beta _{t}^{j}}{\partial \rho ^{\mathit{Inc}}} > 0\). □
Proof of Proposition 3
Using (23) we get \(\frac{\partial \beta _{t}^{A}}{\partial k} = \frac{1}{4} \cdot[ 4\delta v \cdot E( \beta^{\mathit{ex}}) - 1 - 2\delta v ] \cdot\frac{1}{\delta vk^{2}}\). Thus,
Given that δ<1 and v<1/2, the latter restriction is fulfilled by definition. Next, we can deduce \(\frac{\partial \beta _{t}^{A}}{\partial E( \beta ^{\mathit{ex}} )} = - ( \frac{1 - k}{k} ) < 0\), for all 0<k<1. □
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Bischoff, I., Siemers, LH.R. Biased beliefs and retrospective voting: why democracies choose mediocre policies. Public Choice 156, 163–180 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9889-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9889-5