Abstract
In republican political philosophy, citizenship is a status that is constituted by one’s participation in the public life of the polity. In its traditional formulation, republican citizenship is an exclusionary and hierarchical way of defining a polity’s membership, because the domain of activity that qualifies as participating in the polity’s public life is highly restricted. I argue that Black American abolitionist Frederick Douglass advances a radically inclusive conception of republican citizenship by articulating a deeply capacious account of what it means to participate in the public life of the polity. On Douglass’s conception of republican citizenship, what it means to contribute to the polity, and thereby be a citizen, is to act in ways that contest and shape what the polity values. We contest and shape what the polity values not only through public discourse traditionally conceived or grand political acts like revolt, but also through quotidian forms of social interaction. In his pre-American Civil War political thought, Douglass deployed his radically inclusive account of republican citizenship as the conceptual foundation of his stance that enslaved and nominally free Black Americans were already, in the 1850s, American citizens whom the polity ought to acknowledge as such. The everyday resistance in which enslaved Black Americans engaged—their plantation politics—is, for Douglass, a paradigmatic type of citizenship-constituting activity, because it involves modes of collaboration and confrontation that enact a recognition of mutual vulnerability and embody the assertion that one matters. Douglass’s conception of republican citizenship offers a normative framework for emancipatory struggles that strive to secure meaningful membership for the marginalized through the transformation of unjust polities.
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Notes
It is worth acknowledging at the outset that not all emancipatory struggles aim at inclusion. Many anti-colonial struggles, for instance, did not envision their goal as integrating colonial subjects more fully into the empire, but as extricating the colonized from the power of the metropole. Yet ideals of inclusion are at times operative even in the context of decolonial political thought (Duong 2021).
Key provisions of Proposition 22 were ruled unconstitutional by a California Superior Court judge in August 2021, but remain in force pending appeal of the ruling (Castellanos v. California).
“[I]n the classical republics, the freedom of citizens presupposed the unfreedom of slaves” (Gourevitch 2015, 14). Emphasis his.
The right to rebellion is the right to compel a polity to acknowledge one’s standing as a citizen qua member of the people. See (Yaure 2020).
We should acknowledge that there is a gendered dimension to Douglass’s picture of emancipatory political agency. The band which talks, plots, and eventually acts in antislavery resistance is after all one of brothers. Gendered political claims do crop up with some frequency in Douglass’s political thought, however. See, for instance, Douglass’s 1855 lecture for the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society, “The Anti-Slavery Movement” ([1855] 1999, 323-24). Gooding-Williams notes that it isn’t obvious these gendered commitments are part of the substantive architecture of Douglass’s political thought (2009, 318 fn 125). For a demonstration of this point, which draws on the “restorative care” relationships among Douglass and his band of brothers, see (Alfaro 2018).
Douglass withholds details about his successful escape so as not to publicize his strategy to slaveholders.
I am indebted to Emma Rodman for this challenge.
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Acknowledgements
For helpful conversations and comments at various stages of this project, I thank Eric Bayruns García, Colin Bradley, César Cabezas, Yarran Hominh, Bernard Jackson, Dhananjay Jagannathan, Michele Moody-Adams, Frederick Neuhouser, Jennifer Pitts, Mark Sanders, Chloe Stowell, Ronald Sundstrom, and Mira Wolf-Bauwens. I also thank audiences at the American Philosophical Association Pacific Division 2021 Meeting, Oxford Graduate Conference in Political Theory, Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy, Stanford Graduate Conference in Political Theory, University of Chicago Graduate Conference in Political Theory, and Villanova Political Epistemologies Conference. I am especially grateful for the insights of two anonymous reviewers at Philosophical Studies, Robert Gooding-Williams, and Emma Rodman.
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Yaure, P. On Plantation Politics: Citizenship and Antislavery Resistance in Douglass’s My Bondage and My Freedom. Philos Stud 180, 871–891 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-022-01877-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-022-01877-4