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Carnal Manifestations of Divine Love in the Mystical Writings of Elsbeth of Oye, Mechthild of Magdeburg and Margery Kempe

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Abstract

This article considers literary representations of the body in female mysticism from a transdisciplinary and comparative perspective. It is one of the first studies to provide a comparative reading of three female authors of the Middle Ages: Mechthild of Magdeburg’s Das Fließende Licht der Gottheit (c. 1250), Elsbeth of Oye’s Leben und Offenbarungen (c. 1340) and The Book of Margery Kempe (c. 1440). The literary depiction of bodily urges ranges from erotic encounters as a representation of mystical union, to longing, suffering and despair in order to be a living example of imitatio Christi. Through analysing relevant excerpts of the three mystical texts, which illustrate the yearning for physical pain (the vita of Elsbeth of Oye) and differing accentuations of sexuality (The Book of Margery Kempe, Das Fließende Licht der Gottheit), the instrumentalisation of the female body for salvific purposes becomes clear. These carnal manifestations of divine love can be viewed as major motifs structuring the texts rather than giving unmediated and ‘documentary’ evidence of their authors’ experience.

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Notes

  1. The term unio mystica denotes the mystical union of the soul and God.

  2. According to the proym of The Book of Margery Kempe the text was written in the year 1436; an inbound Latin letter to the manuscript dates from 1440, so it seems likely that the book was produced between 1436 and 1440. See Bale (2015, pp. xix, xxxiv–xxxv). For a detailed analysis of the manuscript and its annotations see Parsons (2001, pp. 143–217) and Fredell (2009, pp. 1–29). The Book of Margery Kempe (1940) Vol. I. Ed. S. B. Meech and H. E. Allen, EETS, o. s. 212. Quotations are taken from this edition and cited by page and line number and abbreviated BMK or The Book throughout. Translations for the Middle English text passages are taken from Bale (2015) and supplied in the footnotes.

  3. According to the proems of Das fliessende Licht der Gottheit, the writing of the text began in 1250 (pp. 11, 1 and 12, l). Mechthild von Magdeburg (1993) Das fliessende Licht der Gottheit. Ed. G. Vollman-Profe, p. 5. All references to Das fliessende Licht der Gottheit are taken from this edition and cited by page and line number and abbreviated FL throughout.

  4. According to Wolfram Schneider-Lastin the redaction of Elsbeth’s Leben und Offenbarungen (Life and Revelation) to be found in the manuscript Wroclaw (Breslau), University Library, Codex IV F. 194a, fol. 1ra –33vb was compiled by an anonymous Dominican shortly after Elsbeth’s death around 1340. Schneider-Lastin explains that this Breslau manuscript was completed after 1460, see Schneider-Lastin (2009, p 396). Quotations in this essay are taken from this printed edition, cited by page and line number and abbreviated Leben und Offenbarungen throughout. See the detailed discussion of the manuscript discovery and its implication for research on Elsbeth of Oye in Schneider-Lastin (1995, especially p. 205f.), Schneider-Lastin (1994, p. 54).

  5. In his essay on Innerlichkeit, Körperlichkeit und Sprache in der spätmittelalterlichen Frauenmystik, Walter Haug proposes a comparative reading of Elsbeth’s Offenbarungen and Mechthild’s FL focusing on the thematisation of interiority, since mystical experience entails union with God through the soul, the ‘inner self’ (“die Gotteserfahrung als personale Selbsterfahrung”). Haug (2003, pp. 480–492), here p. 481. Haug concludes p. 492: “Unio in metaphorischer Körperlichkeit oder Unio über die Dialektik von Wort und Körper: das sind die beiden Perspektiven, unter denen die mystische Erfahrung Gottes im Spätmittelalter Innerlichkeit eröffnet”.

  6. In her prefatory note, Hope Emily Allen states that “the bulk of my notes, however, concern foreign women writers who represent a long-continued tradition, obviously congenial to Margery” (BMK, Prefatory Note, pp. l iii–lxviii, liii). She also compiled Appendix IV.—Dominican Women Mystics in Germany, BMK, pp. 376–378.

  7. See selected examples from the detailed notes in BMK: note 12/29, p. 261; note 17/7, 17/10, p. 263 with regards to ascetic practices of Birgitta of Sweden and Dorothea of Montau; note 32/6, p. 272 commenting on the divine prophecy about Birgitta’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem note 39/24 referring to Brigitta’s revelations; note 12/33, p. 261 about Marie of Oignies; 61/1, p. 285 discussion of Dorothea of Montau’s holy tears in relation to Margery’s weeping; 16/34–35, p. 262 discussing remission of sins of Angela of Foligno, Adelheid Langmann, Dorothea of Monau; 18/2, p. 264 imagery of nursing the infant Christ in Christine Ebner’s vita; 20/10, 20/30 p. 266 topos of Gnadenfrucht (fruit of grace) in Christine Ebner’s and Adelheid Langmann’s mystical texts; 21/12, p. 267 divine prophecy relating to the mystical marriage of Adelheid Langmann; 29/32, p. 271 theme of divine election and inspiration in AL and CE; 145/33, p. 321 apparition of angels in Adelheid Langmann’s revelation; note 44/25, p. 280 authorisation of holy women through their confessors in Margareta Ebner’s and Adelheid Langmann’s texts.

  8. Allen frequently refers to an envisaged second volume, which was meant to expand her interpretative reading of European female mystics (BMK, prefatory note, pp. lv–lvii, lxii–lxiii, lxiv, lxvi).

  9. Dickman and Bolton-Holloway concentrate their analysis on female mystics mentioned in The Book, in particular Birgitta of Sweden and Elisabeth of Thüringen, but they do not include German female authors as suggested by Allen. See also the volume edited by Voaden (1996) with the contribution by Janet Dillon: Holy Women and Their Confessors or Confessors and Their Holy Women? pp. 115–141.

  10. Riddy suggests to explore the language of The Book in terms of discourse (p. 437) and narratological presentation (p. 439) instead of trying to extract layers of composition from the literary text in the ‘doomed search’ for the real author of the text.

  11. While there is documentary evidence that a woman named Margery Kempe joined the Trinity Guild of Bishop’s Lynn in 1438 (BMK, Appendix III. Extracts from Documents, p. 358–359), there is no proof that this is the author of The Book. See Felicity Riddy’s critical and careful assessment, Riddy (2005, p. 448 note 4).

  12. Stargardt limits herself to only two examples of the Schwesternbücher (book of sisters) of the Dominican nunneries Oetenbach and Töss to elucidate her argument, see p. 293.

  13. Reliving Christ’s passion through penance, physical suffering and ascetic practices.

  14. In her article entitled ‘Women Mystics and Eucharistic Devotion’ Walker Bynum describes this version of imitatio Christi as “this sense of imitatio as becoming or being [Christ]” (1992, p. 146).

  15. Translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.

  16. See BMK, p. 1: “What grace þat he werkyth in any creatur is ower profyth […]. Þis lytyl tretys schal tretyn sumdeel in parcel of hys wonderful werkys, how mercyfully […] he meued & stered a synful caytyf vn-to hys love […]”. (Bale 2015, p. 3: “Whatever grace He works in any creature is to our profit […]. This little treatise shall deal somewhat with parts of his wonderful works; how mercifully […] he moved and stirred a sinful wretch towards his love […]”).

  17. The compound noun “Leidens- und Todesverfallenheit” can be rendered as the human subjection to suffering and death.

  18. Perhaps this would be best translated as religious practices, but üebunge in Middle High German could also denote religious devotion.

  19. Blüende minnezeichen can be rendered as flowering signs of love, here referring to the stigmata, see Leben und Offenbarungen p. 409, 3.

  20. Leben und Offenbarungen chapter I, p. 409, 25–27: “Ich trug ein kleines kreuczlein auf meiner rechten seitten mit spiczigen eisnen neglen, und das was wol minder denn das groß kreucz, das ich an das trug in daz neunde jar von weinnachten uncz ze den pfingsten, und das was mir meistig alle zeit eingedrucket in mein fleisch als ein ingesigel in ein wachs.” (I wore a small cross with sharp iron nails on my right side and it was rather smaller than the large cross, which I wore into the ninth year from Christmas to Pentecoast, and it was imprinted nearly all the time into my flesh as a seal onto wax).

  21. Phrase repeated on p. 413, 153.

  22. (Ct 8:6: Set me as a seal upon thine heart, as a seal upon thine arm: for love is strong as death […]).

  23. p. 414, 190–191: “das ich im kein gleicheit kan gegeben, wann als der mit pfeilen zu mir schüsse.” This phrase thematises the principal problem of inexpressability of the divine.

  24. The term rünsader is not easily translated, since it can denote a vein or any vessel under the skin on a literal level as well as power and might on a figurative level.

  25. Gsell (2000), p. 464: “Vielmehr ist dieser Austausch der Körpersäfte das zentrale Geschehen, um das die Aufzeichnungen der Züricher Dominikanerin kreisen […]”.

  26. Leben und Offenbarungen, p. 411, 77–83.

  27. (Ps 21:7: But I am a worm, and no man.) See for example the interpretation in the ‘Book of Nature’ by Conrad of Megenberg dating from the first half of the fourteenth century. Pfeiffer (1861). Das Buch der Natur von Konrad von Megenberg: Die erste Naturgeschichte in deutscher Sprache.

  28. (Bale 2015, p. 3: “Here begins a short and comforting treatise for sinful wretches, in which they may […] understand the high and indescribable mercy of our sovereign Saviour, Lord Jesus Christ”).

  29. This thought is illustrated by another dialogue in Leben und Offenbarungen, p. 423, 12-14: “Den frölichen herczenlust, den ich würken wil in dir durch daz peinlich sere deines kreuczes ist unverstantlich, unbegreiffenlich allen creatürlichen sinnen […].” (The joyful lust of the heart which I will work in you through the dolorous pain of your cross is incomprehensible, inconceivable for human senses […]).

  30. Wolfram Schneider-Lastin is working on a complete edition of this text: Elsbeth von Oye: Offenbarungen. Nach Vorarbeiten von Peter Ochsenbein. Ed. Wolfram Schneider-Lastin [in preparation].

  31. See the doctoral thesis of Klaus Haenel who established that Elsbeth’s vita was an autograph through palaeographical analysis and textual characteristics. Haenel (1958).

  32. (Bale 2015, p. 5: “The book was so ill-written […] for it was neither good English nor German, nor was the handwriting shaped or formed as is other handwriting”).

  33. (Bale 2015, p. 6: “So poorly composed and so unintelligibly written”).

  34. (Bale 2015, p. 5: “Until he had written as much as she would tell him during the time that they were together”).

  35. See p. 6 of this article for the translation of this passage (Leben und Offenbarungen, pp. 405, 27–406, 34).

  36. See from the vast material on Mechthild a few particularly important studies: Haas 1979, pp. 67–104. Gisela Vollmann-Profe, 2000, pp. 133–157. Poor 2004. Sara S. Poor argues for a ‘one author model’ and views the text as “one female author’s response to the problems surrounding mystical and female authorship and authority” (p. 12). This approach was problematised in the most erudite and detailed study to date by Nemes, who analyses all extant manuscripts, the history of transmission and reception history to uncover the mechanism of constructing literary authorship (Nemes 2010).

  37. FL prologue, p. 12, 5–8: “In dem jare von gottes gebúrte drizehendhalp hundert jar bi dar nach fúnfzehen jaren wart dis bůch geoffent in túsche von gotte einer swester, was ein helig maget beide an lip und an geiste”. (In the year after our Lord’s birth 1250 after 15 years the revelations in this book were made in German by God to a religious sister, who was a holy maiden in body and mind).

  38. FL, p. 60, 2: “So wirt da ein schoͤne loptantzen.” (So there is a beautiful bridal dance).

  39. FL, p. 58, 32-p. 60, 1–2: “Nu sendet si botten us, wan si wil tanzen, und sant umb den geloͮben Abrahe und umb die gerunge der propheten und umb die kúsche diemuͤtekeit únser froͮwen Sante Marien und umb alle die heligen tugende Jhesu Christi und umb alle die frúmekeit siner userwelten.” (Now she sends messengers since she desires to dance, she sends for the faith of Abraham and the longing of the prophets and for the chaste humility of our lady Saint Mary and for all the holy virtues of Jesus Christ and all the piety of his chosen souls).

  40. Susanne Bürkle makes a similar observation in the so called pregnancy-episode in the revelations of the Dominican nun Margarete Ebner (Bürkle 2003, pp. 96–98). Here, the body of the sister, which shows symptoms of pregnancy and impeding childbirth, becomes a sign of Christ’s suffering on the cross. However, even with the symbolic meaning ascribed to the physical female body it still encompasses a concrete, tangible dimension untouched by its metaphorical significance.

  41. FL, Book V, chapter 4, p. 326, 9–14: “Die minne wandelet dur die sinne und stúrmet mit ganzen tugenden uf die sele. […]. Si smelzet sich dur die sele in die sinne: so můs der lichame oͮch sin teil gewinnen […]”. (Love wanders through the senses and storms with all its virtues onto the soul. It melts through the soul into the senses: This is how the body derives pleasure from it).

  42. The manuscript London, British Library, MS Add 61823 (c. 1440) is the only existing copy of the text and it belonged to the Carthusian Monastery of Mount Grace in East Riding, Yorkshire. There are two further existing printed versions of text passages, one dating from 1501 made by Wynkyn de Worde and another one printed by Henry Pepwell 1521.

  43. These dates are only approximate and they have been extrapolated from The Book of Margery Kempe. There are only two documents which mention the admission of one Margery Kempe to the Guild of the Trinity at Lynn on April 13th in 1438. This Margery Kempe is further mentioned on May 22nd in 1439. See Windeatt (2004, pp. 2–3). BMK, p. 358 ff.

  44. (Bale 2015, p. 17: “She many times desired that the crucifix should loosen his hands from the cross and clasp her in a token of love”).

  45. (Bale 2015, p. 190: “My prized darling, my blessed spouse […] my holy wife”).

  46. (Bale 2015, pp. 82–83: “I should not be ashamed of you, as many other people are, for I should take you by the hand amongst the people and make much of you, so that they would know really well that I love you very much. For it is appropriate that the wife is intimate with her husband. […] Just so it must be between you and me […]. Therefore I must be intimate with you and lie in your bed with you. Daughter, you really desire to see me, and boldly you can: when you are in your bed take me to yourself as your wedded husband, as your dear darling, as your sweet son. […]. And therefore you may boldly take me into your soul’s arms and kiss my mouth, my head and my feet as sweetly as you wish”).

  47. (Bale 2015, pp. 31–32: “You are written upon my hands and my feet; I very much like the pains I have suffered for you. […] So shall I wash you in my precious blood from all your sins. […]. Daugther, there was never a child so humble to its father as I will be to you, to help you and protect you […]. Then you are truly a spouse and wife, for it is fitting for the wife to be with her husband and to have no true joy until she is in his presence”).

  48. (Bale 2015, p. 6: “This book is not written in order […] but just as the story came to the creature in her mind”).

  49. (Bale 2015, p. 17: “snare of lechery”).

  50. (Bale 2015, p. 162: “In her youth, [she] had many delectable thoughts, fleshly lusts, and excessive desire for his body”).

  51. (Bale 2015, p. 162: “And therefore she was glad to be punished by the same body and took it all the more easily, and served him and helped him, so she thought, as she would have done Christ Himself”).

  52. (Bale 2015, p. 19: “Horrible temptations to lechery”).

  53. BMK, chapter 4, p. 14, 23–25: “And in al þis tyme sche had no lust to comown wyth hir husbond, but it was very peynful & horrybyl vn-to hir.” (Bale 2015, p. 17: “And all this time she had no wish to have sexual contact with her husband, and it was very painful and horrible for her”).

  54. (Bale 2015, p. 15: “Their inordinate love and the great sensual pleasures that each had in using each others body”).

  55. BMK, p. 1, 26–27: “Thus alle þis thyngys turnyng vp-so-down, þis creatur whych many ȝerys had gon wyl & euyr ben vnstable was parfythly drawen & steryd to entren þe wey of hy perfeccyon […]”. (Bale 2015, p. 3: “Thus with all these things turning upside down, this creature, who for many years had gone astray and always been unstable, was perfectly drawn and stirred to enter upon the way of perfection […]”).

  56. (Bale 2015, p. 131: “Foul thoughts and foul memories of lechery and all dirtiness”).

  57. (Bale 2015, p. 131: “Of visions of men’s genitals, and other such abominations”).

  58. (Bale 2015, p. 131: “She saw, as she truly thought, various religious men, priests and many others, both heathen and Christian, coming before her eyes, so that she could not avoid them or put them out of her view, showing their bare genitals to her. And with this the devil asked her in her mind to choose which she would have first of all, and she must offer herself in public to all of them”).

  59. In this episode, Margery does not listen to God’s counsel and this is the reason for her punishment (BMK, pp. 144–145).

  60. This critical approach was first promoted by scholars such as Bürkle (2003), Nemes (2010) and Staley (1994).

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Kügeler-Race, S. Carnal Manifestations of Divine Love in the Mystical Writings of Elsbeth of Oye, Mechthild of Magdeburg and Margery Kempe. Neophilologus 102, 39–58 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11061-017-9535-7

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