Abstract
Previous studies have shown that the occurrence of a phonological contrast may be influenced by its phonetic contexts such that the same consonantal contrast is allowed in one vowel context but avoided in another. For sibilants, one observed tendency is the avoidance of their place contrasts in a phonetic [_i] context, e.g., a [si-ɕi-ʂi] contrast is absent in Mandarin Chinese, although the same sibilant place contrast is allowed in other vowel contexts. This tendency is examined across Chinese dialects with diverse sibilant inventories, testing its validity in dialects with a three-way versus two-way place distinction, in different manners of articulation, and in voiceless versus voiced sibilants. The results of the typological survey show that (i) the tendency to avoid sibilant place contrasts in the [_i] context exists in the dialects with a three-way and two-way place distinction alike, confirming the observation in previous studies, and (ii) for such a tendency, affricates generally behave like their fricative counterparts and voiced sibilants have the same pattern as voiceless ones. Analyses based on the results indicate that this typological pattern is likely to be influenced by both perceptual and articulatory factors.
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Notes
In the dataset (1b), the items on the left are conventionally transcribed as vɨtʲ ‘to howl’ and sɨto ‘sated’ in the literature. Based on his phonetic study, Padgett (2001) argued that the sound [ɨ] corresponds to an [i] preceded by a velarized consonant. Following this analysis, the items in (b) are transcribed with the velarized consonants to facilitate a comparison with the dataset (a).
The syllables [ɕa tɕa tɕha] are conventionally represented as [ɕia tɕia tɕhia] or [ɕʲa tɕʲa tɕhʲa] in the Chinese literature. The alleged [i/j] part is, following Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996, p. 150), literally no different from a formant transition between the palatal sibilants and a following [a], thus it is not included in (2).
In the Chinese phonological literature, the two apical vowels are often represented with two non-IPA symbols: ɿ for [ɹ̩] after the alveolar sibilants and ʅ for [ɻ̩] after the retroflex sibilants. Different analyses have been proposed on the nature of these two sounds, such as syllabic fricatives (Duanmu 2007), fricative vowels (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996), and syllabic approximants (Lee and Zee 2003; Lee-Kim 2014b). In this study, the term ‘apical vowel’ is adopted to refer to corresponding segments across Chinese dialects, following the convention in the Chinese literature.
A review on the theoretical issues of affricates, in particular their relation to stops and fricatives, is provided in Lin (2011).
Unlike Xiamen and Harbin, the group affiliation of Jiangyong is unclear. Huang (1988) reported that Jiangyong is a bilingual area with Southwestern Mandarin and Jiangyong dialect, the latter of which was the focus of the report, without an explicit description of its dialectal group affiliation. For Jiangyong and similar cases, the information of dialect group is therefore not provided in this paper.
In the 201 articles, Hirata (1982) and Luo et al. (2018) both described Xiuning 休寧 dialect, and the description in Hirata (1982) was adopted as it gave a relatively more recent description of the sound system; Wang (2017) described two dialects, Shaoshanchong (Xiang) 韶山衝 and Daping’ao (Xiang) 大坪坳, which have different syllabic inventories and contribute two dialects to the survey.
Apart from the 201 dialects, Yixian (Hui) 黟縣 as reported in Li (2018) does not have the vowel [_i] as a legal rime. The absence of a phonetic rime [i] is extremely rare across Chinese dialects. As the focus of this study is on the combinations of sibilant onsets with the vowel [_i] and/or apical vowels, Yixian is not included in the survey.
While it would be meaningful to explore the properties of sibilant place contrasts in different dialectal groups, such as Xiang versus Yue, more than one third of the collected articles did not provide information on the group affiliation of the relevant dialects, which makes it difficult to form a reliable discussion on the differences and similarities across dialectal groups.
In Qimen and Datan, as shown in (3), syllables such as [sɹ̩] and [si] coexist as legal combinations in both dialects. This differs from the complementary distribution of the apical vowel [ɹ̩] and the vowel [i] in Mandarin Chinese (2). As can be seen from “Appendix 2”, many Chinese dialects involve syllables such as [sɹ̩] versus [si], in which the apical vowel [ɹ̩] and the vowel [i] contrast with each other after the alveolar sibilants. Such a phonotactic pattern is likely to be related to the historical development of the particular dialects from their earlier sound systems.
According to Zheng et al. (2012), the consonants represented by the symbols [ʃ tʃ tʃʰ] in Dangtu are produced with the tongue blade approaching the postalveolar region.
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Acknowledgments
I am grateful to Ping Jiang-King, Peggy Mok, Thomas Lee, William Wang, Xiaonong Zhu, Lian-Hee Wee, Jie Zhang, Allard Jongman, Joan Sereno, Annie Tremblay, Crispin Williams, Marzena Źygis, Alan Yu, Edward Flemming, among others, for their advice on various earlier versions of this study. Thanks to Paul Kiparsky, whose recommendation led to this research. Special thanks to the reviewers and editors of this journal for their valuable comments and suggestions. The research is partially supported by Hong Kong Baptist University Faculty Research Grant (FRG) Category II [Grant No. FRG2/17-18/076] and Hong Kong Baptist University Research Committee’s Start-up Grant for New Academics.
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Appendices
Appendix 1: Geographic distribution of the 201 Chinese dialects
Province/Region/Municipality | No. of dialects | Province/Region/Municipality | No. of dialects |
|---|---|---|---|
Anhui 安徽 | 18 | Jiangsu 江蘇 | 15 |
Fujian 福建 | 12 | Jiangxi 江西 | 13 |
Gansu 甘肅 | 4 | Ningxia 寧夏 | 1 |
Guangdong 廣東 | 18 | Qinghai 青海 | 2 |
Guangxi 廣西 | 19 | Shaanxi 陕西 | 6 |
Guizhou 貴州 | 2 | Shandong 山東 | 4 |
Hainan 海南 | 5 | Shanghai 上海 | 1 |
Hebei 河北 | 2 | Shanxi 山西 | 10 |
Heilongjiang 黑龍江 | 1 | Sichuan 四川 | 4 |
He’nan 河南 | 7 | Xinjiang 新疆 | 4 |
Hu’nan 湖南 | 36 | Zhejiang 浙江 | 15 |
Inner Mongolia 内蒙古 | 2 |
Appendix 2: Voiceless sibilants and relevant syllables across 193 Chinese dialects
-
a)
Across the collected articles from Fangyan, the aspirated consonants are generally represented as ts‘ and the alveolar and retroflex ‘apical vowels’ respectively as ɿ ʅ as a convention in the Chinese literature. Following the practice of IPA, the aspirated consonants are represented as tsh and the two apical vowels as ɹ̩ and ɻ̩, as illustrated below.
Symbols used in Fangyan | Symbols used in this appendix |
‘ for aspiration, e.g., ts‘ tɕ ‘ tʂ‘ | ʰ for aspiration, e.g., tsʰ tɕʰ tʂʰ |
ɿ for alveolar apical vowel, e.g., s | ɹ̩ for alveolar apical vowel, e.g., sɹ̩ |
ʅ for retroflex apical vowel, e.g., ʂ | ɻ̩ for retroflex apical vowel, e.g., ʂɻ̩ |
-
b)
In the list below, the following is used:
-
si = the dialect has the sibilant [s] and the rime [i], and the combination [si];
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*si = the dialect has the sibilant [s] and the rime [i], but [si] is an illegal combination;
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bold facing marks the syllables involved in a sibilant place contrast in the [_i] context, e.g., si tsi tsʰi versus ɕi tɕi tɕʰi
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light darkness marks phonotactic gaps, e.g., *si *tsi *tsʰi.
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1 Sibilants at one place
1.1 Alveolar sibilants
1.1.a. Without apical vowels, e.g., [si] (20 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
si | tsi | tsʰi | Binyang (Ping) 賓陽( Mo 2014), Changtai (Min) 长泰 (Xu 2018), Chenghai 澄海 (Lin 1994), Dongguan (Yue) 東莞 (Zhan and Chen 1995), Fuqing (Min) 福清 (Feng 1988), Haikang (Min) 海康 (Zhang 1987), Hua’an (Min) 華安 (Xu 2020), Lechang (Min) 樂昌 (Zhuang 1996), Lianjiang (Hakka) 廉江 (Lian 2002), Nanhai 南海 (Peng 1990), Nanning (Ping) 南寧 (Qin 1996), Ningde (Min) 宁德 (Sha 1999), Wuchuan (Yue) 吳川 (Zhang 1992), Wutang (Ping) 五塘 (Qin 2020), Xiamen (Min) 廈門 (Zhou 1991a, b), Xinfeng (Hakka) 新豐 (Zhou 1992), Xiqiao 西樵 (Chen 2019), Zengcheng 增城 (He 1990), Zhangzhou 漳州 (Ma 1993), Zhaoping 昭平 (Huang 2006) | 20 |
1.1.b. With apical vowels, e.g., [sɹ̩ si] (9 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Gongcheng 恭城 (Guan 2005), Huiyang (Hakka) 惠陽 (Zhou 1987), Lianzhou (Hakka) 连州 (Zou 2016), Meixian (Hakka) 梅縣 (Huang 1992), Nanning Bai 南寧白話 (Xie 1994), Renhua (Hakka) 仁化 (Xu 2016), Wuping 武平 (Liang 1990) | 7 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
ii) | sɹ̩ | *tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Dongfang 東方 (Liu and Ou 2010) | 1 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Lishi (Hakka) 犁市 (Li 2013) | 1 |
*si | tsi | *tsʰi | |||
1.2 Palatal sibilants
‘Palatal + [i]’, e.g., [ʃi] (5 dialects)
2 Sibilants at two places
2.1 Alveolar versus palatal sibilants
2.1.a Place contrast in the [_i] context
a1) No apical vowels, e.g., [si ɕi] (4 dialects)
a2) With apical vowels, e.g., [sɹ̩ si ɕi] (21 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Changle (Wu) 長樂 (Qian 2003), Daoxian Meihua 道縣梅花 (Shen and Zhou 2017), Jinhua (Wu) 金華 (Cao 1994b), Jinhua Shanhu (Hakka) 金華珊瑚 (Cao 2004), Loudi (Xiang) 婁底 (Li et al. 1987), Pingyang (Wu) 平陽 (Chen 1979), Shanghai (Wu) 上海 (Xu and Tao 1995), Suzhou (Wu) 蘇州 (Ye 1992), Taojiang 桃江 (Zhang et al. 1988), Wannan 皖南 (Huang 2013), Xiuning 休寧 (Hirata 1982) | 11 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
ii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Guiyang 桂陽 (Fan 2000), Hexian (Hakka) 賀縣 (Deng 1996), Linwu Maishi 臨武麥市 (Chen 2002), Longchuan (Yue) 龍川 (Hou 2008), Pingdiyao 平地瑤 (Li 2015a, b) | 5 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
ʃi | tʃi | tʃʰi | |||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Daoxian Shouyan 道縣壽雁 (He 2003), Leqing 樂清 (Cai 1999), Linhai (Wu) 臨海 (Huang 2007), Yongzhou 永州 (Li 2003) | 4 |
si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
iv) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Taishun 泰順 (Liu 2007) | 1 |
si | tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
2.1.b No place contrast in the [_i] context
b1) Alveolars followed by apical vowels, e.g., [sɹ̩ *si ɕi] (62 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Anxiang 安鄉 (Ying 1988), Chengbu (Xiang) 城步 (Bao 1993), Chengdu (Southwestern Mandarin) 成都 (Liang 1993), Danyang (Wu) 丹陽 (Cai 1994a), Danzhai 丹寨 (Li 1994), Daoxian Xiaojia 道縣小甲 (Zhou 1994a, b), Dayü 大餘 (Liu 1995), Fengcheng (Gan) 豐城 (Zeng 2016), Fenghuang (Southwestern Mandarin) 鳳凰 (Li 2011a, b), Fuyang (Central Mandarin) 阜陽 (Wang 2012), Gaochun (Wu) 高淳 (Xie 2016), Guanyang 灌陽 (Huang 2008), Guidong 桂東 (Cui 1997), Haiyan (Wu) 海鹽 (Huang 2018), Hengshan (Xiang) 衡山 (Mao 1995), Jiangjin (Southwestern Mandarin) 江津 (Zhong 2002), Jingjing 井陘 (Li 2017), Jiaxing (Wu) 嘉興 (Yü 1988), Lanxian (Jin) 嵐縣 (Shen 2009), Leiyang (Gan) 耒陽 (Zhong 1987), Lezhi (Xiang) 樂至 (Cui 1988), Lianshui 漣水 (Hu 1989), Linwu Chujiang 臨武楚江 (Yin 2014), Liuyang 瀏陽 (Xia 1983), Luxi Baisha 瀘溪白沙 (Qu 2008), Lüsi (Wu) 呂四 (Lu 1986), Mouping (Jiao-Liao Mandarin) 牟平 (Luo 1995), Nanchang 南昌 (Xiong 1994), Neihuang (Central Mandarin) 內黃 (Li 2012), Qahar Right Rear Banner (Jin) 内蒙古察右後旗 (Wang 2018), Qingshuipin 清水坪 (Zhao and Li 2014), Qingyuan 慶元 (Akitani and Cao 1998), Shangcheng 商城 (Yang 2008), Shaoxing (Wu) 紹興 (Wang 2008), Shaoyang (Xiang) 邵陽 (Bao 1989), Suiping 遂平 (Ding 1989), Taihu (Gan) 太湖 (Huang 2011), Taixing (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 泰興 (Gu 1990), Taiyuan (Jin) 太原 (Shen 1993), Taizhou (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 泰州 (Yü 1991), Taiping (Wu) 太平 (Zhang 1991), Tongling (Wu) 銅陵 (Wang 1983), Wuning (Gan) 武寧 (Zhong 2004), Xinghe (Jin) 興和 (Li 1986), Xiaoshan (Wu) 蕭山 (Zhang 1997), Xinghua (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 興化 (Gu 2020), Xintian 新田 (Xie 2004), Xinyü (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 新餘 (Wang 2010), Yancheng (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 鹽城 (Su 1993), Yangshuo 陽朔 (Li 2015a, b), Yangyü (Mandarin) 洋嶼 (Zhong 2018), Yangzhou (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 揚州 (Wang and Huang 1993), Yinxian (Wu) 鄞縣 (Chen 1990a, b), Yixing (Wu) 宜興 (Ye and Guo 1991), Yiyang 益陽 (Zeng 1995), Youxian (Gan) 攸縣 (Dong 1990), Zhaji (Wu) 査濟 (Liu and Chen 2015) | 57 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
ii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | *tsʰɹ̩ | Guangfeng (Wu) 廣豐 (Akitani 2000) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Nanping (Northen Mandarin) 南平 (Su 1994) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | *tɕi | *tɕʰi | |||
iv) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | 2 | |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ʃi | tʃi | tʃʰi | |||
v) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Yunhe 雲和 (Ota and Cao 1998) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
*ʃi | tʃi | *tʃʰi | |||
b2) Phonotactic gaps of ‘alveolar + [i]’, e.g., [*si ɕi] (2 dialects)
b3) Phonotactic gaps of ‘palatal/postalveolar + [i]’, e.g., [si *ɕi] (2 dialects)
2.2 Alveolar versus retroflex sibilants
2.2.a Place contrast in the [_i] context
Alveolars versus retroflexes before [_i], e.g., [sɹ̩ si ʂi] (1 dialect)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Wuhua (Hakka) 五華 (Wei 1997) | 1 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | ||
ʂi | tʂi | tʂʰi | ||
2.2.b No place contrast in the [_i] context
b1) Retroflexes/postalveolars followed by apical vowels, e.g., [sɹ̩ si ʂɻ̩] (3 dialects)
b2) Phonotactic gaps of ‘retroflex + [i]’, e.g., [sɹ̩ si *ʂi] (1 dialect)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Jiahe (Xiang) 嘉禾 (Xu 2019) | 1 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | ||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | ||
2.3 Palatal versus retroflex sibilants
Retroflexes followed by apical vowels, e.g., [ɕi ʂɻ̩] (1 dialect)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | Haizhou 海州 (Su 1990) | 1 |
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | ||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | ||
3 Sibilants at three places
3.1 Three-way place contrast
Alveolars versus palatals versus retroflexes in the [_i] context, e.g., [sɹ̩ si ɕi ʂi] (2 dialects)
3.2 Two-place contrasts
3.2.a Alveolar versus palatal contrasts
a1) Alveolars and retroflexes/postalveolars followed by apical vowels, e.g., [sɹ̩ si ɕi ʂɻ̩] (16 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Binxian (Central Mandarin) 彬縣 (Qiao and Chao 2002), Fufeng 扶風 (Wu 1997), Jüxian (Northern Mandarin) 莒縣 (Shi 1987), Kaifeng (Central Mandarin) 開封 (Liu 1997), Luoyang 洛陽 (He 1984), Miluo (Xiang) 汨羅 (Chen 2006), Nanjing (Wu) 南京 (Liu 1994), Ningling (Central Mandarin) 宁陵 (Duan 2013), Pingxiang 萍鄉 (Wei 1995), Wuji (Ji-Lu Mandarin) 無極 (Yin 2020), Xiangcheng (Central Mandarin) 襄城 (Liu 1993), Xiangtan (Xiang) 湘潭 (Zeng 1993), Yüdu (Hakka) 于都 (Xie 1997) | 13 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | |||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | |||
ii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Ganyü (Central Mandarin) 贛榆 (Liu 1990), Suining (Xiang) 綏寧 (Li 2019) | 2 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
ʃi | tʃi | tʃʰi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | |||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | |||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | *tsʰɹ̩ | Luxi Liangjiatan 瀘溪梁家潭 (Chen 2016) | 1 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | |||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | |||
a2) Phonotactic gaps of ‘retroflex+[i]’, e.g., [sɹ̩ si ɕi *ʂi] (4 dialects)
3.2.b Palatal versus retroflex/postalveolar contrasts
Palatals versus retroflexes/postalveolars in the [_i] context, e.g., [sɹ̩ ̩ɕi ʃi] (1 dialect)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Xuancheng (Wu) 宣城 (Shen and Huang 2015) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | ||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | ||
ʃi | tʃi | tʃʰi | ||
3.3 No place contrasts
3.3.a Alveolars and retroflexes followed by apical vowels, e.g., [sɹ̩ ̩ɕi ʂɻ̩] (34 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Anqing (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 安慶 (Bao 2012), Chenxi (Xiang) 辰溪 (Xie 2010), Harbin (Northeastern Mandarin) 哈爾濱 (Yin 1995), Huangyuan (Central Madnarin) 湟源 (Lu 2011), Jiangxian (Central Mandarin) 绛縣 (Wang 2014), Jimsar (Lan-Yin Mandarin) 吉木薩爾 (Zhou 1991a, b), Ji’nan (Ji-Lu Mandarin) 濟南 (Qian 1995), Lanzhou (Lan-Yin Mandarin) 蘭州 (Gao 1980), Linyi (Central Mandarin) 臨猗 (Wang 2003), Linyi (Ji-Lu Mandarin) 臨邑 (Cao (2005), Liulang (Wu) 六郎 (Liu and Chen 2018), Loufan 婁煩 (Zhai 1989), Luxi Lijiatian 泸溪李家田 (Deng 2018), Luxi Pushi 瀘溪浦市 (Qu 2005), Minqin 民勤 (Wu 2009), Pingli 平利 (Zhou 2005), Qinglong (Xiang) 晴隆 (Wu 2019), Qinshui 沁水 (Shi 2019), Turpan 吐魯番 (Zhou 1998), Urumchi (Lan-Yin Mandarin) 烏魯木齊 (Zhou 1994a, b), Wanrong 萬榮 (Wu 1996), Wudu 五都 (Shi 1992), Xi’an (Central Mandarin) 西安 (Wang 1995), Xiangfen (Central Mandarin) 襄汾 (Zhao 2017), Xinzhou 忻州 (Wen and Zhang 1994), Xingxian (Jin) 興縣 (Shi and Zhang 2014), Xuzhou (Central Mandarin) 徐州 (Su and Lü 1994), Yan’an (Jin) 延安 (Gao 2019), Yanqi 焉耆 (Liu 1988), Yibin 宜賓 (Zuo 1995), Yinchuan (Lan-Yin Mandarin) 銀川 (Li and Zhang 1995), Zhangye (Lan-Yin Mandarin) 張掖 (Huang 2009) | 32 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | |||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | |||
ii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Susong (Gan) 宿松 (Sun 2002) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
*ʃi | *tʃi | *tʃʰi | |||
ʃɻ̩ | tʃɻ̩ | tʃʰɻ̩ | |||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | Wubaodong (Jin) 吳堡東 (Xing 2011) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | |||
*ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | |||
3.3.b Alveolars followed by apical vowels and gap of ‘retroflex/postalveolar + i’, e.g., [sɹ̩ ̩ɕi *ʂi] (2 dialects)
3.3.c Alveolars/retroflexes followed by apical vowels and gap of ‘palatal + [i]’, e.g., [sɹ̩ *ɕi ʂɻ̩] (3 dialects)
Appendix 3: Dialects in which voiced versus voiceless sibilants differ in their place contrasts in the [_i] context
1. Dialects with voiced sibilants at two places of articulation (6 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | Yongzhou 永州 (Li 2003) | 1 | |
si | *tsi | *tsʰi | zi | ||||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | *ʑi | ||||
ii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | *tsʰɹ̩ | *dzɹ̩ | Guangfeng (Wu) 廣豐 (Akitani 2000) | 1 | |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *dzi | ||||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | dʑi | ||||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Loudi (Xiang) 婁底 (Li et al. 1987) | 1 | |
si | tsi | tsʰi | *dzi | ||||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | *ʑi | dʑi | |||
iv) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Changle (Wu) 長樂 (Qian 2003) | 1 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | zi | dzi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | *ʑi | dʑi | |||
v) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Linhai (Wu) 臨海 (Huang 2007) | 1 |
si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | *dzi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | ʑi | *dʑi | |||
vi) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Yunhe 雲和 (Ota and Cao 1998) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | *dzi | |||
*ʃi | tʃi | *tʃʰi | *ʒi | *dʒi | |||
2. Dialects with voiced sibilants at three places of articulation (8 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | Xiangfen (Central Mandarin) 襄汾 (Zhao 2017), Xinzhou 忻州 (Wen and Zhang 1994), Xingxian (Jin) 興縣 (Shi and Zhang 2014) | 3 | |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | ||||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | *ʐi | ||||
*ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | *ʐɻ̩ | ||||
ii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | *zɹ̩ | Huangyuan (Central Mandarin) 湟源 (Lu 2011) | 1 | |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | ||||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | *ʐi | ||||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | ʐɻ̩ | ||||
iii) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | *zɹ̩ | Wubaodong (Jin) 吳堡東 (Xing 2011) | 1 | |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | ||||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | |||||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | *ʐi | ||||
*ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | *ʐɻ̩ | ||||
iv) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | *tsʰɹ̩ | *zɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Luxi Liangjiatan 瀘溪梁家潭 (Chen 2016) | 1 |
si | tsi | tsʰi | *zi | dzi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | ʑi | dʑi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | *ʐi | *dʐi | |||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | ʐɻ̩ | *dʐɻ̩ | |||
v) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Luxi Pushi 瀘溪浦市 (Qu 2005) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | *dzi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | *ʑi | dʑi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | *ʐi | *dʐi | |||
ʂɻ̩ | tʂɻ̩ | tʂʰɻ̩ | ʐɻ̩ | dʐɻ̩ | |||
vi) | sɹ̩ | tsɹ̩ | tsʰɹ̩ | zɹ̩ | dzɹ̩ | Dangtu (Wu) 當凃 (Zheng et al. 2012) | 1 |
*si | *tsi | *tsʰi | *zi | *dzi | |||
ɕi | tɕi | tɕʰi | ʑi | *dʑi | |||
*ʂi | *tʂi | *tʂʰi | *ʒi | ||||
*ʂɻ̩ | *tʂɻ̩ | *tʂʰɻ̩ | *ʒɻ̩ | ||||
Appendix 4: Voiced sibilants and relevant syllables in dialects with voiced sibilants at more than one place of articulation
1. Voiced fricatives
1.1. Three-way place distinction of voiced fricatives (6 dialects)
1.2. Two-way place distinction of voiced fricatives
1.2.a Alveolar versus palatal—Place contrast in the [_i] context (4 dialects)
1.2.b Alveolar versus palatal/postalveolar—No place contrast in the [_i] context (13 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | zɹ̩ | zi | *ʑi | 2 | |
ii) | zɹ̩ | *zi | ʑi | Jiaxing (Wu) 嘉興 (Yü 1988), Lüsi (Wu) 呂四 (Lu 1986), Shaoxing (Wu) 紹興 (Wang 2008), Shaoyang (Xiang) 邵陽 (Bao 1989), Taiping (Wu) 太平 (Zhang 1991), Tongling (Wu) 銅陵 (Wang 1983), Xiaoshan (Wu) 蕭山 (Zhang 1997), Yinxian (Wu) 鄞縣 (Chen 1990a, b), Yixing (Wu) 宜興 (Ye and Guo 1991) | 9 |
iii) | zɹ̩ | *zi | *ʑi | Luxi Baisha 瀘溪白沙 (Qu 2008) | 1 |
iv) | zɹ̩ | *zi | *ʒi | Yunhe 雲和 (Ota and Cao 1998) | 1 |
1.2.c Alveolar versus retroflex/postalveolar—No place contrast in the [_i] context (14 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | zɹ̩ | zi | *ʐi | Changshu (Wu) 常熟 (Yuan 2010) | 1 | |
ii) | zɹ̩ | *zi | ʒi | Xuancheng (Wu) 宣城 (Shen and Huang 2015) | 1 | |
iii) | zɹ̩ | *zi | *ʐi | ʐɻ̩ | Binxian (Central Mandarin) 彬縣 (Qiao and Chao 2002), Chenxi (Xiang) 辰溪 (Xie 2010), Lanzhou (Lan-Yin Mandarin) 蘭州 (Gao 1980), Ledu樂都 (Cao and Shao 2001), Linyi (Central Mandarin) 臨猗 (Wang 2003), Lujiang (Lower Yangtze Mandarin) 廬江 (Zhou 2001), Wanrong 萬榮 (Wu 1996), Xiangfen (Central Mandarin) 襄汾 (Zhao 2017) | 8 |
iv) | zɹ̩ | *zi | *ʐi | *ʐɻ̩ | Xingxian (Jin) 興縣 (Shi and Zhang 2014) | 1 |
v) | *zɹ̩ | *zi | *ʐi | ʐɻ̩ | Huangyuan (Central Mandarin) 湟源 (Lu 2011), Yan’an (Jin) 延安 (Gao 2019) | 2 |
vi) | *zɹ̩ | *zi | *ʐi | *ʐɻ̩ | Wubaodong (Jin) 吳堡東 (Xing 2011) | 1 |
1.2.d Palatal versus retroflex—No place contrast in the [_i] context (2 dialects)
2. Voiced affricates
2.1. Three-way place distinction of voiced affricates
2.1.a Place contrast in the [_i] context (3 dialects)
2.1.b No place contrast in the [_i] context (4 dialects)
2.2. Two-way place distinction of voiced affricates
2.2.a Alveolar versus palatal—Place contrast in the [_i] context (3 dialects)
2.2.b Alveolar versus palatal/postalveolar—No place contrast in the [_i] context (17 dialects)
Sibilants and syllables | Dialects and sources | No. of dialects | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
i) | *dzi | dʑi | Shibei (Min) 石陂 (Akitani 2004) | 1 | |
ii) | dzɹ̩ | *dzi | dʑi | Chengbu (Xiang) 城步 (Bao 1993), Leqing 樂清 (Cai 1999), Loudi (Xiang) 婁底 (Li et al. 1987), Luxi Baisha 瀘溪白沙 (Qu 2008), Lüsi (Wu) 呂四 (Lu 1986), Qingshuipin 清水坪 (Zhao and Li 2014), Shaoxing (Wu) 紹興 (Wang 2008), Shaoyang (Xiang) 邵陽 (Bao 1989), Xiaoshan (Wu) 蕭山 (Zhang 1997), Yinxian (Wu) 鄞縣 (Chen 1990a, b), Yixing (Wu) 宜興 (Ye and Guo 1991), Yiyang 益陽 (Zeng 1995) | 12 |
iii) | dzɹ̩ | *dzi | *dʑi/*dʒi | Dangtu (Wu) 當凃 (Zheng et al. 2012), Linhai (Wu) 臨海 (Huang 2007), Yunhe雲和 (Ota and Cao 1998) | 3 |
iv) | *dzɹ̩ | *dzi | dʑi | Guangfeng (Wu) 廣豐 (Akitani 2000) | 1 |
2.2.c Alveolar versus retroflex—No place contrast in the [_i] context (2 dialects)
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Li, M. The typology of sibilant place contrasts in the high-front vowel context across Chinese dialects. J East Asian Linguist 30, 387–438 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-021-09232-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-021-09232-0