The Mosuo, an ethnic minority people of ~40,000 individuals, reside along the border of Sichuan and Yunnan in Southwestern China, predominantly in and around Yongning town, near the shores of Lake Lugu (Shih, 2009; Zhang et al., 2019). This community encompasses both patrilineal and matrilineal subgroups; the people share a common language and religious tradition, but they exhibit substantial differences in their kinship norms and institutions (Mattison et al., 2023b; Shenk et al., 2013; Walsh, 2001). The patrilineal Mosuo mainly reside in mountainous regions, where family structures are usually organized around nuclear or patriarchal units. Nonetheless, their culture persistently mirrors matrilineal values, placing a significant emphasis on gender equality and a deep reverence for family (Mattison et al., 2023b). In contrast, the matrilineal Mosuo, who are primarily located in the Yongning Basin, largely maintain traditional matrilineal customs and family structures and are characterized by large matrilineal households where adult men and women cohabit with their siblings and matrilineal relatives. They collectively raise their offspring, cooperate in household chores and economic labor, and share all of the family resources (Mattison et al., 2023c). Agriculture is the primary livelihood for the matrilineal Mosuo, with many families raising livestock and poultry, such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows (Mattison et al., 2021b); however, since the 1980s, the tourism industry has gradually gained importance. For a long time, the Mosuo people practice both Tibetan Buddhism and the indigenous Daba religion (Chen, 2018). This study focused on a subgroup of the matrilineal Mosuo.

The matrilineal Mosuo are renowned for their nonmarital reproductive system “Sese” (visiting marriage) and duolocal dispersal system (He et al., 2016). Relationships between men and women are mainly based on emotional bonds, with men spending nights with their partners and returning to their maternal homes the next day (Walsh, 2005). The offspring that result from these unions are raised by the women and their matrilineal clan, with biological fathers having no obligation to provide childcare (Goettner-Abendroth, 2018). In Mosuo culture, the role of men as maternal uncles—exclusively the biological brothers of the mother—is distinctly emphasized. These uncles undertake significant caregiving responsibilities for their nephews and nieces, in contrast to their more peripheral involvement in the upbringing of their own biological children. This role delineation exemplifies the unique kinship structure of the Mosuo, wherein a man’s primary paternal duties are oriented toward his sister’s offspring rather than his own. Throughout this paper, the term “uncles” specifically denotes these maternal uncles in the Mosuo kinship system. However, the importance of fathers appears to be increasing in recent years (Mattison et al., 2014; Xiao et al., 2022). While this unique kinship has been a focal point of many studies (Ji et al., 2013; Mattison et al., 2014; Ji et al., 2016; Wang et al., 2019), the implications of this system for co-parenting and child-rearing practices within the extended family structure remain largely unclear.

Recent research has shed light on various aspects of Mosuo society. The unique cultural patterns and kinship relationships of the Mosuo are also reflected in their architectural structures, with some studies examining the relationship between the construction of matrilineal extended family homes and cultural environments (Feng & Xiao, 2021; Ji et al., 2016; Li et al., 2013; Smith‐Greenaway et al., 2019; Zhao et al., 2013). The residential buildings of the Mosuo typically include the main building (the grandmother’s house), a Buddhist hall, living quarters for adult children, and a grass house for storing fodder and livestock (Feng & Xiao, 2021). The grandmother’s house is the cultural center of the entire courtyard, serving multiple functions, including dining, gathering, and worship. It also serves as the sleeping space for the grandmother and young children in the family. Central to the grandmother’s house is the major hearth, called the “Huotang”. The Huotang symbolizes family unity and serves multiple purposes, including cooking, ritual activities, and providing warmth. Above the hearth, a Guozhuang Stone and the kitchen god “Ranbala” are placed, with routine sacrifices performed three times a day to honor ancestors (Ullmann, 2017). Two large pillars stand in the house—the left one representing males and the right one representing females. These two pillars must come from the same tree, symbolizing the shared roots of men and women. The setup of the grandmother’s house reflects cultural values of ancestral heritage, religious beliefs, and gender equality.

Further, other research has discussed gender issues in Mosuo society. In matrilineal societies, the issue of male investment in their offspring is known as the “Matrilineal Puzzle” (Richards, 1987). That is, men are more inclined to invest in their sister’s offspring than in their own, which contradicts Hamilton’s rule, which predicts that men should help their own offspring more (Hamilton, 1964). A study by He et al. (2022) on the Mosuo found that high levels of female co-parenting reduced a husband’s investment (farm work) in his wife’s family, but that male assistance to their natal family was unaffected by the level of co-parenting in their natal family. Simultaneously, apart from reproductive cooperation, several cohabiting Mosuo women of childbearing age also compete for family reproductive resources. It seems that older sisters often win in reproductive conflicts, having more children, but also putting in more effort in supporting family farm labor (Ji et al., 2013). Moreover, the redistribution rules in matrilineal societies may require family members to share their income and resources to support the entire family. This can lead to wealth being more evenly distributed among family members, thereby reducing inequality (Mattison et al., 2023a). Equality in matrilineal Mosuo clans is also reflected in the lack of gender preference when having offspring (Ji et al., 2013). Additionally, a study by Mattison et al. (2021a) pointed out that no general gender differences or gender paradigms existed in gender networks and that culture and kinship relationships could influence gender expression. The social interaction structure of women in the Mosuo matrilineal society exhibits the traditional male interaction structure in patrilineal societies. Research by Liu & Zuo (2019) also found that Mosuo girls tended to take more risks than Mosuo boys and to exhibit more “masculinity”. These studies have all indicated that the matrilineal kinship system of the Mosuo may influence the patterns of gender cooperation and conflict. The Sese and duolocal dispersal system is the result of maximizing inclusive fitness in an environment where female kin breed communally (Wu et al., 2013). Taken together, these findings provide valuable insights into the gendered networks among matrilineal Mosuo, which can potentially influence cooperative breeding dynamics.

Despite the wealth of research on the unique kinship and gender dynamics within the matrilineal Mosuo, a significant gap remains in our understanding of their specific cooperative breeding practices. This is especially relevant given the assumption that humans are obligatory cooperative breeders, where members of the group other than the biological parents help raise children (Hrdy, 2011). This involvement of individuals other than their mothers in child-rearing activities is referred to as allomothering (“allo” means “other than” in Greek). Caregivers other than the biological mothers are referred to as “allomothers” (Hrdy, 2011; Wilson, 2000), and their assistance in child-rearing significantly contributes to the successful upbringing of children (Kramer, 2010). In the matrilineal Mosuo, communal breeding by related maternal kinships can be seen as a form of allomothering; however, our interpretation of family caregiving within matrilineal Mosuo is predominantly limited to cultural narratives. While it is known that maternal sisters and grandmothers play a significant role in child-rearing, the specifics of these allomothering practices and their implications for children’s socialization are not well-documented. The existing research has largely focused on the overarching kinship structure and gender dynamics, with less attention given to the practical aspects of allomothering and the socialization framework of Mosuo children within this unique family structure. Mosuo children are mainly socialized by their maternal family members, through whom they learn the norms, values, and behaviors of their community. This socialization process, as defined by Grusec & Hastings (2014), involves the transmission of cultural values and the development of individual identities within the social group. This is a dynamic interaction between the child and multiple caregivers within the matrilineal Mosuo household, with each playing a distinct role in the child’s development. For example, while men, as the authoritative maternal uncles, do not directly participate in child-rearing, they do bear significant economic responsibilities. However, the role of biological fathers, who are not obligated to rear their children, has been frequently oversimplified or overlooked. Scholars have even claimed that the matrilineal Mosuo lives in a society without fathers or husbands (Cai, 2001), a notion that has been challenged by subsequent research confirming that fathers invest in their biological children. Mattison et al.’s (2014) empirical studies found that living with one’s biological father in the matrilineal Mosuo was linked to improved educational outcomes and an earlier age at first reproduction for both sons and daughters. While fathers in Mosuo society have a less pronounced social role than maternal uncles, children’s attachment levels to both do not significantly differ, suggesting that fathers are still incentivized to care for and socialize their children, despite the society’s matrilineal structure (Mattison et al., 2014; Xiao et al., 2022). Similarly, matrilineal Mosuo children perceive their maternal aunts, who are integrated into their self-concept, as being as significant as their mothers (Wang et al., 2019). Nonetheless, a notable deficiency has continued to exist in qualitative explorations of the specific roles that maternal family members play in child-rearing practices within the matrilineal Mosuo, a largely uncharted territory. The present study seeks to delve into the nuances of allomothering across multiple caregivers and the associated socialization strategies employed for children within matrilineal Mosuo families.

Method

Participants

Participants were recruited utilizing the snowball sampling method from Mosuo households in Yongning Township, Ninglang County, Yunnan Province, China. This recruitment spanned both agricultural and tourist areas. During the first period of fieldwork (March 2019, general interviews), 19 Mosuo people from 19 households (10 females, M = 53.68 years, SD = 17.51) were interviewed. For the second round of fieldwork (August 2019, caregiver–child pair interviews), 36 Mosuo people from 15 households (26 females, M = 27.47 years, SD = 13.91) were interviewed. This included 14 caregiver–child pairs, 7 other matrilineal members, and 1 man who later returned to reside with his maternal family after initially marrying. His inclusion provided valuable insights into the perspectives of a Mosuo man regarding his roles as a father and maternal uncle, as well as his responsibilities as a member of a matrilineal family. The terms “caregivers” and “children” refer to the first and second generations, respectively, indicating their relative relationships. The first- and second-round interviews included nonoverlapping individuals (see Table 1). The criteria for selecting the subjects follow: (1) they maintained the living styles of traditional matrilineal Mosuo households (i.e., at least three generations lived together). (2) There were school-aged children in the household (primary to high school, aged 6–20 years). To ensure understanding of the interview questions, we only included children aged 10–20 years.

Table 1 Socio-demographic characteristics of participants
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Procedures

Ethical approval from the Life Science Research Ethics and Safety Center of the author’s institution was received, potential participants were informed about the study, and then consent was obtained prior to their participation. Prior to every interview, personal information was solicited first, and this included demographic characteristics and socio-economic indicators. A female Mosuo graduate student acted as an interpreter and translated questions interviewees could not understand in Mandarin into the Mosuo language during every session. The initial meaning of the question was not altered; only certain local expressions were used. Every interview was recorded and subsequently transcribed verbatim. In instances where participants did not provide consent for audio recording, we diligently captured the content by taking comprehensive notes throughout the interview.

General Interviews

In the general interviews, the primary purpose was to focus on the following three general aspects of Mosuo households: (1) child-rearing activities (e.g., who is mainly responsible for caring for children in the family and how this role is used to provide such care), (2) division of responsibilities and relationships (e.g., how the paternal role is understood and what kinds of fathers are considered competent), and (3) self-evaluations (e.g., the differences between children raised by Mosuo families and Han Chinese families). Participants were first asked a series of general, open-ended questions about caregiving. During the interviews each day, we evaluated all of the participant responses in terms of the wealth of information (experience and perspective) they provided. Consequently, we modified the way in which we asked questions to encourage participants to share details more effectively (refer to the Appendix in OSF (https://osf.io/9m26d/?view_only=1d7002a753764e45b09dfcc2b884e952) for detailed items).

This study is part of a larger research program aimed at investigating the Mosuo caregiving system’s effect on children’s development. General interviews broadly explored the cultural-valued caregiving style, and they were reanalyzed separately, focusing on details related to cultural traditions, parenting attitudes, other culturally based parenting concepts, and value-determination issues. The current study focused on the clarity of the caregiving system; therefore, only relevant content regarding role-based childcare practices and specific individual episodes was selected for the analysis.

Caregiver–Child Interviews

We identified the frame of allomothering and the broad caregiving system patterns after analyzing and summarizing the data from the first-round interviews, and we clarified family members’ general functions. However, the emotional relationship or the detailed interactions between a specific caregiver and a child remained unknown, especially in terms of individual thoughts and emotional experiences during their development; therefore, we conducted a second round of semi-structured interviews with 36 Mosuo children and caregivers. We included 14 caregiver–child pairs, 7 family members other than the pair (2 families interviewed 2 caregivers, and 5 families interviewed 2 children), and a divorced Mosuo man. All of the participants met the abovementioned criteria. Two points were addressed in the interviews, namely, childhood experiences and thoughts, and child-rearing practices. The first was asked of both children and caregivers (rewinding to childhood), while the second was asked only of caregivers (refer to the Appendix in OSF for detailed items).

Analytic Strategy

Grounded Theory Approach

Numerous psychology researchers regard the grounded theory approach (GTA) as a practical, effective analytic strategy that lies outside the constraints of quantitative disciplines. GTA can help psychologists explore unique structured quantitative data and conduct innovative research that stimulates the theoretical imagination (Willig & Rogers, 2017). This study, therefore, aimed to identify and analyze the interview data utilizing GTA, which is especially beneficial since almost no empirical research results are available for reference in this area. An expanded GTA orientation based on Strauss & Corbin was also adopted (Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Strauss & Corbin, 1997); it places more emphasis on replicability, precision, and generalizability.

Coding

MAXQDA software (Kuckartz & Rädiker, 2019) was used for data coding. All of the interview data were transcribed verbatim and de-identified, and then unnecessary statements or components were removed. Responses to specific interview questions concerning Mosuo parenting culture were independently extracted from the first-time fieldwork interview data for analysis. That analysis was mainly centered on the substance of the parenting philosophy, including their perceptions of children’s nature and their aspirations for children’s future development. The findings from the above analysis have been detailed in a brief report (Wang & Duma, 2021). Data from the second interviews were clustered by family, and every group was divided into two segments, namely, caregivers and children. The coding procedure was performed through three coding stages: open coding (conceptualizing transcripts and interview notes; identifying well-defined concepts, themes, and categories), axial coding (establishing the relationships between categories and subcategories), and selective coding (building a storyline for the selected core category and the other categories). In particluar, MAXQDA’s “In-vivo Coding” function was employed to perform open coding. For the last two stages, we used the “Code System” and “Creative Coding” to organize the codes and create the logical codes map. A second coder (with a master’s degree in clinical psychology; knowledgeable but not particularly informed about the subject of the present study) coded independently for reliability. Using MAXQDA’s function for evaluating the coder consensus rate, we found that the two coders showed substantial agreement (κ = 0.65) (Landis & Koch, 1977). Areas of disagreement were discussed until a consensus was reached. Based on the methods of Hennink et al. (2017), the code saturation was assessed by comparing the new codes’ number of each interview. In the general and caregiver–child interviews, with 12 (96.43%) and 13 interviews (94.86%), the saturation of codes was reached (refer to the OSF Appendix for further details). The results are similar to those of previous studies, which reported saturation at 9–12 interviews (e.g., Hennink et al., 2017; Guest et al., 2006).

Results

Fundamental Paradigm of Matrilineal Mosuo Allomothering

Table 2 summarizes the principles of allomothering within matrilineal Mosuo families, and it identifies five main categories ranked by their thematic code weights. The predominant category, multigenerational co-parenting, which comprises 52.4% of the thematic weight, incorporates “Childcare Dialogues among Matrilineal Caregivers at the Huotang,” “Childcare Collaboration with Internal Matrilineal Women,” and “External-Family Partner Collaboration”. This category highlights shared childcare stress and collaborative efforts among internal matrilineal caregivers. Primarily, mothers, aunts, and grandmothers are observed to undertake routine childcare and disciplinary roles. The practice of engaging in regular Huotang discussions about childcare was also emphasized in the interviews with caregivers. Regarding fathers’ influence in childcare, our data reveal a notable variability shaped by social and policy factors, as demonstrated in the subsequent quotes. In the interview data, fathers are typically depicted as adopting non-disciplinary roles, markedly contrasting with the more actively engaged maternal uncles and other male figures in the matrilineal family structure.

Table 2 Fundamentals of Mosuo allomothering
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The father can’t control anything, since the children have uncles. Fathers are not permitted to manage anything at all. If my daughter contradicts her father, her uncle will not tolerate it and will become enraged. If children are not behaved, people will laugh at uncle’s discipline (F1 Mother).

My father had the authority in the family since the policy enforced monogamy at the time, but my daughter’s father reverted, and he didn’t have much of a voice in the family. The Mosuo father is always present, but his existence and role shift as society and policy change. Different stages and periods will influence the father but not the mother, because the mother is an absolute presence and role model. It is preferable to have a girl because she can carry on the family name, but having a boy is not suitable for passing on the family name since his child would be considered part of someone else’s family (F1 Mother).

The second category, “Maintaining Equilibrium for Family Unity,” accounts for 16.9% and focuses on the importance of financial and emotional support within the matrilineal network. Managed predominantly by the hostess, usually the grandmother or eldest daughter, this category stresses equitable treatment of offspring, fair access to resources, and balanced distribution of household duties. “The Household Community,” representing 14.5%, prioritizes communal benefits and the preservation of the matrilineal lineage, illustrating the collective Mosuo approach to familial and societal dynamics. The “Upholding Matriarchal Governance” category, at 8.9%, advocates for female inheritance and the appointment of female household managers. It emphasizes wisdom in household management, relationship harmonization, and the cultivation of resilience and tolerance. Finally, “Maternal Involvement in Early Childhood” (7.3%) emphasizes the pivotal role of mothers in the initial years of child-rearing, highlighting the immutable nature of the maternal role, particularly in nurturing children under three.

Delineation of Distinct Role Divisions within Matrilineal Mosuo Families

Maternal Uncle

The maternal uncle, accounting for 25% of the coded aspects of roles, was mainly engaged in financial pursuits. Children perceived their maternal uncle as a figure of strict regulation but also as a reliable presence, commanding absolute authority. The uncle was responsible for setting the standards of manners, facilitating academic pursuits, and emphasizing the development of social identity, all of the while providing stringent discipline, as the quotes below emphasize (Table 3).

Table 3 Contributions and relationships of caregivers in allomothering practices with children
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His primary objective was to devise new strategies for generating income, a task that proved to be challenging. Our uncle would earn money to provide for our basic necessities, such as food and other essentials for living (F3 Mother).

Due to the separation, my interactions with my uncle have lessened, and I’ve always harbored a sense of fear towards him. However, as I’ve grown older, that fear has somewhat diminished. When I was younger, I held my uncle in high esteem, almost viewing him as a god-like figure, and I dared not cross him. I can’t pinpoint exactly why, but my uncle instills a sense of fear in me. If I were to make a mistake in public, my uncle would not hesitate to correct me (F1 Child).

A competent maternal uncle was expected to offer financial and material support to the maternal family while also disciplining the younger generation. This role was most prominently manifested in the correction of behaviors that contravened the cultural norms of Mosuo society, thereby ensuring the positive moral development and maturation of the child.

He was concerned about my studies. For example, whenever he was at home, he would encourage me to engage in reading, and if I encountered any difficulties with my schoolwork, he was always available to help. Particularly when he was home, he showed a special interest in my progress in mathematics (F6 Child).

Mothers and Aunts

Mothers, accounting for 20% of the coded aspects of roles, were characterized as strict, resilient, and committed. They functioned as exemplars for their children, underscoring ethical standards, societal norms, and Mosuo cultural customs (e.g., demonstrating reverence for the elderly and acknowledging the importance of interpersonal relationships). They also placed a significant emphasis on the development of fundamental habits and skills. Mothers exhibited a more assertive parenting approach and adhered to stringent norms. Mothers were also economically independent, often engaging in household chores and activities with their children together.

In contrast to mothers, aunts accounted for 16% of the coded aspects of caregiving roles in our study. They were characterized by less stringent regulation and a gentler discipline approach, offering comforting support. Frequently serving as intermediaries between mothers and children, aunts are instrumental in interpreting mothers’ discipline, elucidating their behaviors, and resonating with children’s emotions. They provide guidance to children on interacting with their mothers and share in the daily care of children and household responsibilities. The mother’s sisters thus play a complementary and vital role in nurturing the next generation, serving as key facilitators in the mother–child relationship, mitigating conflicts, offering emotional support, fostering communication, and aiding in problem-solving processes (Table 3).

When I’m not home, my older sister takes care of my daughter. It’s amusing how my daughter refers to my elder sister as “mom” in my absence, but reverts to calling her by her name upon my return (F8 Aunt).

Fathers

Fathers, who also represented 20% of the coded aspects of roles, were viewed as less controlling and more gentle compared with mothers and maternal uncles. Despite their limited contact time and disciplinary capacity, fathers were unique and noteworthy to their children. They offered financial support, engaged in physical activities with their children, and discussed personal issues (Table 3).

He (the partner) didn’t contribute much to raising the kids. When it comes to the children’s education and living expenses, the father contributes a little to show his affection, but if the circumstances aren’t favorable, he won’t. We don’t ask him for more because the father belongs to a different family; he has his own family and nieces and nephews to look after. He doesn’t have control, nor is he allowed to take charge, because the decisions are entirely up to our family. But it’s not like we’re children without fathers; we’ve always had fathers; they’ve just held different roles throughout history (F1 Mother).

My uncle has been at home for a long time, but my dad doesn’t really get involved in the house. He only comes over when my mom asks him to. When our family was going through financial difficulties, my dad would step in to help. But in my heart, I feel that my dad is a bit more important than my uncle. After all, he’s my father, and there’s something about that blood connection, right? What I value most from my father is his love, I believe. That emotional bond with him is really important to me. He never demands anything from me, and we never argue. He’s always there to help me weigh the pros and cons of a situation. He’s very understanding and never aggressive. He doesn’t push me to do or not do something, but he’s always supportive. We get along like we’re brothers (F10 Child).

Maternal Grandmothers

Maternal grandmothers, accounting for 13% of the coded aspects of roles, were responsible for supervising infants and toddlers, feeding them, and guiding their absorption of traditional Mosuo social and cultural norms (e.g., narrating mythological Mosuo tales or sharing personal life events and experiences). They were viewed as kind, respectable, and authoritative figures (Table 3).

In the Mosuo family, a young grandmother is akin to a mother (F7 Aunt).

Siblings

Siblings, constituting 5% of the coded role aspects in Mosuo culture, are recognized as equal heirs. The coded results showed that beyond mere companionship, siblings play a pivotal role in each other’s lives: elder siblings often serve as role models and supplement adult figures in caregiving and discipline. This dynamic is evident in their shared activities, such as play and household chores, and in the guidance older siblings offer to younger ones (Table 3).

The inter-sibling bond is particularly strong, with younger children spending considerable time under the care of older siblings, especially sisters, whose care often surpasses that of the older generation. They assist with daily care, study supervision, skill development, and behavior regulation. Older brothers, beyond their play interactions, often adopt a stricter approach toward their younger siblings, especially when there is a notable age difference.

As siblings mature, the principle of equitable treatment prevails, manifesting in uniform provision of clothing, food, and education. The Mosuo ethos of “not being selfish” guides sibling interactions, fostering a sense of collective responsibility. In this context, a sister’s children are considered as one’s own, and deviation from this communal ethos is subject to moral censure, thereby reinforcing the value of communal ties over individual pursuits. This principle of shared kinship was consistently underscored by participants in our interviews. They emphasized that all descendants of a common grandmother are considered family, highlighting a collective responsibility for mutual care that extends beyond the distinction between direct siblings and cousins. This perspective underlines the blurred lines within the extended family network, as described by the interviewees.

In our family, the eldest sibling is typically the one who looks after the children. I remember my two older brothers being much stricter and more demanding than my parents ever were (F5 Uncle).

When my sister and I were little, we used to share a bed quite often. We didn’t spend as much time with adults back then, and we were always together (F3 Child).

Independent Partnership Dynamics among Matrilineal Mosuo Couples

The majority of coded aspects (75%) highlighted the independency within Mosuo couples’ relationships. This independence manifested in various domains, including daily life, financial management, and responsibilities toward different households. It is important to note that the couples reported a distinct independence in childcare, with men respecting the authority of their spouses and their spouses’ families in child discipline matters. The remaining 25% of the codes underscored the connections within these relationships, thus emphasizing the importance of romantic emotional bonds and adherence to the ethical boundaries of monogamy (Table 4).

Table 4 Characteristics of partnerships in matrilineal Mosuo couples
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In Mosuo culture, we don’t foster a mentality of dependence. I can’t rely on him. If I were to depend on him, it would lead to the downfall of both the family and the children. As for my daughter’s husband, they may have obtained a marriage license due to certain policy requirements. However, according to Mosuo customs, no matter how wealthy he is, he can’t elevate his status within our family (F1 Mother).

Financial self-sufficiency was a prominent feature among Mosuo partners, with both men and women opting not to interfere in their partner’s financial contributions to their respective matrilineal families. It is interesting to note that the romantic relationship between Mosuo spouses was prioritized over their co-parenting relationship. The individual’s duty to their matrilineal family, which encompassed aspects such as financial support and responsibility for raising their sisters’ children, took precedence over both spousal and paternal relationships. The interview data revealed two primary motivations behind mothers’ requests for childcare assistance from their spouses. The first was the provision of financial support for their children’s living and educational expenses, which was contingent on the father’s personal circumstances. The second motivation was the desire for the father to spend more time with the child, whenever this was possible. This analysis underscored the unique dynamics of Mosuo couples, characterized by a blend of independence and connection, with a strong emphasis on individual responsibilities toward their matrilineal families.

Child Socialization in Mosuo Culture

As illustrated in Table 5, the majority of the coded aspects of socialization strategies were attributed to direct learning (36.2%), followed by observational learning (25.5%), parallel learning (19.5%), and imitational learning (18.8%). From the perspective of caregivers, balancing childcare with daily tasks such as chores and farm work limits the time dedicated to child-rearing. From a young age, children are encouraged to participate in these tasks, creating an environment conducive to imitation, practice, and skill acquisition. Adults demonstrate correct procedures and behaviors during these activities, serving as models for the children to emulate. Caregivers reported that children indirectly learn social and moral norms, particularly through observing adults’ interactions around the Huotang, thus underscoring the importance of observational and imitative learning in Mosuo child socialization.

Table 5 Child socialization strategies in the context of matrilineal Mosuo families
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Because of our customs and habits, we don’t need a designated person to teach, like a school teacher. In the evenings by the Huotang, the adults chat, and they also let the children share what they did during the day. Adults discuss events in the village, such as what someone’s child did, pointing out if it was bad and not to be emulated, or if it was good and worth learning from. This is how children are educated. It’s not like formal schooling where they are taught explicitly every day. Children need to listen and observe. While chatting, adults also observe the children to see who is smart and who isn’t, who understands and who doesn’t. It’s not necessary to instruct them every day; what’s more important is how one acts, because children will see and learn (F1 Mother).

From the children’s perspective, older siblings play a crucial role in guiding their younger counterparts in performing household chores, reinforcing behaviors until the younger children master the skills or internalize the behavioral patterns. Given the large number of family members, Mosuo children are exposed to a complex network of familial relationships. Children reported observing the communication and interaction patterns among family members, reflecting on the structure of these relationships, and internalizing the relational norms they are expected to follow in the future.

In Mosuo culture, the elders have a significant influence on us, especially when they gather around the Huotang and discuss various matters. They guide us on what should be done, what shouldn’t be done, and how to do things correctly. As children, we would mimic or learn from what the elders or our parents said or did. We would always pay attention to the adults’ conversations, trying to understand and learn from their discussions (F5 Uncle).

Seeing how my sister and brother showed a lot of respect to my uncle and other family elders, I figured I should do the same (F4 Child).

In summary, the Mosuo child socialization process involves learning through shared experiences with elders, observational encoding, emulation of caregiver models, and mutual regulation among siblings.

Discussion

This study delved into the unique dynamics of allomothering within matrilineal Mosuo families. Utilizing semi-structured interviews and GTA, we explored the specific roles that allomothers assume in child-rearing practices and the corresponding socialization strategies adopted by children within this system. Our findings show that within the Mosuo family structure, grandmothers predominantly undertook the responsibility of children’s day-to-day care. Maternal sisters, conversely, either shouldered financial obligations or partnered with grandmothers in the realm of child-rearing. Mothers were typically the enforcers of stringent discipline, while aunts predominantly offered emotional support. Maternal uncles, although not customarily engaged in direct child-rearing, carried substantial economic responsibilities within the family and exerted strict control over their nephews and nieces’ moral and social behaviors. In stark contrast, fathers interacted directly with their biological children, engaging in physical play and nurturing distinctive emotional bonds. Intriguingly, within Mosuo partnerships, the romantic relationship was given precedence over the co-parenting dynamic, with partners preserving financial independency and honoring each other’s commitments to their respective matrilineal families. Within this unique caregiving framework, Mosuo children were found to adopt and emulate the moral and behavioral norms conveyed through caregivers’ daily discourse around the Huotang and collective activities. This observation suggests that the concept of legitimate peripheral participation aptly characterizes the socialization strategies employed by Mosuo children. Further, we discerned a divergence in the perception of the father’s role between children and mothers. Children regarded fathers as pivotal figures, whereas mothers tended to downplay the fathers’ impact on their offspring. This divergence underscores the intricacy of familial dynamics and child-rearing practices within the context of matrilineal Mosuo families.

Cross-cultural studies reveal the presence of cooperative breeding in diverse societies globally, encompassing both direct caregiving, like feeding and protection, and indirect investment, such as resource and knowledge provision (Sear, 2009). This practice is notably prevalent in matrilineal societies, where relatives including grandparents, aunts, and uncles significantly contribute to child-rearing (Das, 2001; Nordqvist, 2020; Mattison et al., 2019; Leonetti et al., 2007). This extended family involvement plays a crucial role in shaping the social, emotional, and cognitive development of children (Hrdy, 2009; Sadruddin et al., 2019). In the context of matrilineal Mosuo society, mothers primarily receive substantial support from elder maternal figures, sisters, and older children. Simultaneously, spouses voluntarily invested their time and effort to help raise children (Kramer, 2010). The certainty of maternity uniquely situated maternal grandmothers to provide effective care for their grandchildren. In the context of matrilineal Mosuo society, it appears that grandmothers contributed to their existing progeny through daily caregiving, potentially alleviating their daughters’ caregiving responsibilities. This investment approach may enhance the inclusive fitness of grandmothers and is posited to improve the reproductive success of their daughters and the survival rates of grandchildren (Lahdenperä et al., 2016). Sisters and other female relatives in matrilineal societies derived benefits from living together, leading to increased cooperation in child-rearing tasks (He et al., 2022). In the context of existing offspring, mothers and aunts frequently served complementary roles in child-rearing, offering a harmonious blend of discipline and emotional support. They underscore the concept that their sisters’ offspring were also considered their own, advocating for equitable distribution of resources and emotional investment among all of the children. In terms of elder children’s contribution, cooperative breeding encompassed the involvement of older siblings in nurturing their younger counterparts, as well as participating in productive tasks. This assistance has been shown to aid mothers in having successive births with shorter intervals (Strassmann, 2011).

In a matrilineal Mosuo society, the male child-rearing investment appeared to be determined by lineage. Our findings indicate that Mosuo fathers emotionally invested in their biological children and voluntarily contributed financially. Maternal uncles, while not acting as fathers in the nuclear family sense, served as authoritative disciplinarians for children. Interestingly, children seemed to perceive these caregivers distinctly; they maintained a respectful relationship with their maternal uncles while also preserving psychological space for their fathers. For Mosuo children, there seemed to be a clear delineation with their biological fathers, as they aligned with the values of the matrilineal society and perceived fathers as members of other families. They understood that their fathers played a more significant role as maternal uncles in other families, where they were responsible for their sisters’ children. Consequently, the minimal expectations of fathers’ involvement may have inadvertently led children to be content with limited interaction with their fathers, as they understood that all of the involvement stemmed from the father’s voluntary participation. The involvement of matrilineal Mosuo fathers may indicate that fathers can also offer companionship to their children, without necessarily adhering to strict disciplining, a role often perceived as gender-specific. As evidenced by cultural anthropologists, the dynamics of paternal parenting are incredibly diverse and intricate, standing in contrast to the relatively stable role of maternal allomothers, which remains consistent irrespective of policy shifts and economic fluctuations (e.g., Sear & Coall, 2011; Cabrera et al., 2014).

A distinctive feature of Mosuo matrilineal allomothering was the co-parenting dynamic with the spouse. Mosuo women did not view their spouses as obligated or responsible for raising their children, nor did they rely on their spouses for involvement in child-rearing or financial contributions. Instead, Mosuo women held a more significant role in parenting and education, often possessing higher authority and status than their spouses. This dynamic may have led some fathers to rely on the mother’s authority to discipline their children owing to their relatively lower status within the matrilineal family structure. Women typically discussed child-rearing issues with matrilineal family members, seeking assistance or empathy from blood relatives. The spouse was typically not the first choice for discussing parenting difficulties and was not expected to resolve these issues. Consequently, Mosuo partnerships maintained defined boundaries, were financially independent, and were less intertwined with cooperative parenting. However, it is important to note that a child’s perception of their father did not always align with their mother’s, particularly for younger children, who often viewed their father as an important attachment figure. Boys may have expressed a desire to engage in play with their fathers, and girls may have derived enjoyment from their fathers’ companionship. Interestingly, the gender of the children seemed to exert minimal influence on the cooperative parenting dynamics within the spousal relationship, given the consistent nature of children’s family affiliations. Mosuo’s spousal relationship was largely independent of their co-parenting roles. The longevity of their partnerships primarily hinged on their emotional or romantic connections, rather than their roles as parents.

This study constituted a novel exploration of the socialization strategies employed within the matrilineal Mosuo family from the perspective of the individuals being socialized. Our findings show that the Mosuo primarily utilized indirect socialization methods, characterized by observation and imitation. Children assimilated social behaviors by meticulously observing and replicating the interactions of adults, thereby gaining an understanding of relational systems and adopting family values. This process culminated in the internalization of the matrilineal family’s relational systems and behavioral norms, thereby facilitating the intergenerational transmission of cultural values (Chapman et al., 2009). Furthermore, children frequently modeled their behavior after their older siblings, with sibling relationships acting as a significant conduit for family socialization. Particularly, the eldest siblings assumed a disciplinary role, overseeing and directing the conduct of their younger siblings. Notably, our study’s findings suggest that for Mosuo younger siblings, socialization is primarily influenced by the guidance and control of their older siblings rather than direct adult instruction. Whether they were adult caregivers or older children, the Mosuo family underscored a collaborative approach to tasks. This strategy afforded learners the opportunity to closely observe their mentors, thereby facilitating the gradual acquisition of demonstrated skills. Rather than allocating specific time for teaching or nurturing, Mosuo caregivers incorporated socialization lessons into their routine activities or during the care of infants and toddlers. This approach effectively addressed a key challenge faced by mothers during their reproductive years: ensuring quality childcare without impinging on activities that benefited their older children.

In the traditional Mosuo matrilineal families featured in our study, caregiving was a collective effort involving multiple caregivers from the first and second generations, as well as older children. These caregivers undertake the challenge of forging individual connections with each child in their day-to-day lives. Observational learning within the Mosuo household emerged as an effective strategy for children to assimilate their roles within the family and for caregivers to meet their socio-educational responsibilities. Older children played a pivotal role in disciplining their younger counterparts. As family members congregated around the Huotang to share daily experiences, children gleaned culturally valued behavioral norms from the caregivers’ dialogues and emulated these interactions. Through the socialization process from being a newborn to functioning as a capable group member, Mosuo children gained insights into relational network patterns, assimilated acceptable behaviors and values, discerned universally disapproved behaviors, and learned to circumvent potential hazards. Considering the pivotal role of the Huotang within the Mosuo family structure, we designated the Mosuo allomothering system as the “Huotang-centered” allomothering system. In summary, Mosuo children experienced socialization through a process of legitimate peripheral participation (Omidvar & Kislov, 2014), observing and imitating not only adults but also their older siblings. The role of an adult in the Mosuo family encompassed several functions, including authority, provision of security, and intimacy, all of which required a delicate balance. Within the Mosuo family structure, fathers and siblings often adopt a more exploratory role, while the maternal grandmother, mother, and aunt provided a secure and stable foundation. This environment allowed children to explore relationships and principles with minimal adult intervention, fostering free interaction and information exchange among siblings.

While this study offered valuable insights into allomothering within the matrilineal Mosuo society, it had certain limitations. Specifically, the structure of our participant group restricted our capacity to fully explore the potential influence of gender. For instance, if we had been able to include more male caregivers who concurrently served as both fathers and maternal uncles in our study, we might have been able to delve deeper into their unique interactions with their children, nieces, and nephews. Furthermore, our study did not investigate children’s perspectives on how their own gender might influence their interactions within the family, nor did we explore their reflections on growing up within this distinctive family structure. An analysis of responses to such inquiries could potentially illuminate the role of gender in shaping children’s socialization processes within the matrilineal family. Further, our study classified the second generation within the family as “children,” a designation relative to the first-generation participants. This categorization resulted in a wide age range among the children, from kindergarten to college. Although their accounts offered a relatively comprehensive understanding of diverse stages of socialization, the data were not sufficient to provide detailed insights into the perspectives and interactions specific to each age group. Additionally, the demographic makeup of our sample, with ~80% of families primarily engaged in agriculture and belonging to lower income brackets, could potentially affect the generalizability of our findings. While more traditional agricultural family structures closely align with the Mosuo’s traditional caregiving practices, we hypothesize that families with varied economic structures and higher incomes may exhibit more significant changes associated with modernization. Future research could therefore benefit from exploring caregiving within matrilineal families across a spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds, which would provide a more comprehensive understanding of modernization’s impact. Lastly, the conclusions of this study, based on qualitative data from a relatively small sample, offer preliminary insights but may not fully capture the entire spectrum of the Mosuo matrilineal caregiving system and its implications for child socialization. Future research, integrating quantitative methods, could further substantiate and expand upon the structures and impacts of Mosuo family caregiving.

Conclusion

This study explored the distinctive practices of allomothering and the associated socialization strategies of children within the matrilineal Mosuo family structure. Our findings underscore that Mosuo mothers primarily lean on additional maternal figures for support. The male contribution to child-rearing demonstrates variation based on lineage, with maternal uncles disciplining their sisters’ children, shouldering the family’s economic responsibilities, and offering limited direct companionship. By contrast, fathers engage directly with their children, without stringent discipline or substantial financial investment. Children adopted a strategy of peripheral participation, observing and emulating adults’ behaviors gleaned from daily Huotang conversations.

This study represents a pioneering effort in detailing the interactions between children and multiple caregivers across generations, thereby suggesting potential socialization strategies within matrilineal extended families. Building upon the foundation of the current study, future investigations could delve into the influence of gender on children’s socialization and allomothers’ contributions. In addition, an examination of the impact of the allomothering caregiving environment on children’s development could yield substantial insights into the matrilineal Mosuo’s allomothering practices compared with nuclear families. Cooperative child-rearing, essential due to the inherent nature of human caregiving and the realities of modern society where sole maternal caregiving is increasingly challenging, gains new insights from the Mosuo’s allomothering system. This system highlights the role of extended support figures, including grandparents, fathers, and public infrastructures. These contributors offer a comprehensive range of support, from direct parenting to emotional companionship, as well as moral and cultural socialization. Consequently, it is advantageous for society to recognize the importance of distributing physical resources and caregiving assistance, acknowledging them as vital for effective family-based child-rearing.