Introduction

For over a decade, violent attacks by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa have displaced 2.5 million Nigerians (Africa Center for Strategic Studies, 2021). Of these displaced people, 91,000 lived in Cameroon's Far North region villages in 2017 and in the only refugee camp built in Minawao under the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR or simply HCR) (RFI, 2017). This situation has led to significant humanitarian needs in the region (Turner et al., 2019), particularly in Minawao, where the impacts of climate change were already being felt (Brangeon & Bolivard, 2017).

By taking refuge in Minawao, this additional population has increased the pressure on the surrounding natural resources, leading to significant environmental changes. Three types of potential ecological change are commonly observed: changes in vegetation cover, soil, and the quality/quantity of water resources (Black, 1998). Experience has also shown that with few incentives for sustainability in camp management, the existence of a refugee camp often leads to forest and soil degradation, loss of biodiversity, etc. (Kakonge, 2000; Murphy, 2001; UNHCR, 2019) and land-use conflicts (Laird et al., 2022).

The case of the Minawao camp is no exception, as the literature consulted to date highlights a transformation of the region's landscape since the arrival of the refugees. Their environmental impact study report 2017 (Brangeon & Bolivard, 2017) pointed out that wood resources were the most affected, with an estimated need for 43 tonnes of firewood per day in the camp. Although it made recommendations, the study noted that it was "difficult to put a figure on the loss of forest cover since the arrival of the refugees, especially as the camp is located in an arid area where there were already few trees before the crisis. It also only partially addresses the impact on the soil in terms of potential risks. The impact study, therefore, remained theoretical and global in its approach. In 2020, the work of Kodji et al (2020), provided some clarification, showing that, the rate of regression of vegetation cover in the area covering the villages of Gawar, Sabongari, Windé, Zamaï, and Minawao increased from -7.16% (for the period 2006–2013) before the arrival of the refugees, to -15.13% (for the period 2013–2020). As for the influence on the soil, the same authors in 2021 maintained a correlation between the arrival of the refugees and the perception of the level of soil degradation (low, medium, high) of the respondents in their study area. Taking the settlement of the refugees in this large area as the main factor, it remains challenging to assess the direct influence of the refugees on the environment of Minawao camp and its surroundings. In addition, virtually no scientific studies show that the presence of the refugee camp has positively impacted the ecological habitat of Minawao and the surrounding area.

In this context, it is appropriate to adopt another approach to appreciate better the real influence of the presence of the camp's refugees on the environment in Minawao. The aim is to help to improve the humanitarian response by advocating sustainable environmental management. Studies carried out in other campsites led to the formulation of a hypothesis: research based on the refugee camp as a starting point can better establish the influence of refugees on the environment in the host area. These studies have allowed it to obtain accurate, usable data, develop appropriate tools, and propose applicable recommendations. They have positively impacted the environmental management of the camps concerned. One example is the study of land use by refugees in eastern Cameroon (Pouïra, 2011), or the study on technical specifications for land stabilisation and camp revegetation in the Cox's Bazar South Forest Division in Bangladesh (Mahamud et al., 2018) or that on the impact of agroforestry as a viable option for the resilience and sustainability of landscapes under pressure from refugees in the Rhino and Imvepi refugee camps in Uganda (Grosrenaud et al., 2021).

The main objective of this article is to show the real influence of refugees in the camp on the environment in Minawao. Specifically, the aim is, on the one hand, to elucidate the responsibility of the refugees in the camp for the degradation of the vegetation cover and the dynamics of land occupation, and on the other hand, to make an analytical presentation of the initiatives undertaken with the refugees as part of the humanitarian response to preserve the environment.

Methodology

Presentation of the site study

The study site is the Minawao refugee camp, created in July 2013 in the village of Minawao over an area of 6.23 km2 to shelter Nigerians fleeing the atrocities of Boko Haram (Manet, 2020). It is located in the far north of Cameroon in the department of Mayo-Tsanaga, in the arrondissement of Mokolo (Fig. 1) (Ghorbanzadeh et al., 2022). Field observations showed that the camp is bordered to the west by the village of Gadala, to the north and south by the village of Minawao, and the east by the Louguéré community of Minawao. The Minawao village was established as a 3rd degree village when the camp was created. It is bordered to the north by the Gourringel community and then the Zamaï canton, to the south by the Gawar canton, to the west by the Gadala village, and to the east by the Diméo and Mandaloula localities. Minawao is also characterised by its Sudano-Sahelian climate, with an alternating dry season lasting around 7 months and a rainy season lasting 5 months from June to October (Kodji & Adamou, 2021).

Fig. 1
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Map of the site

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The Minawao camp is an interesting case study because it reflects the realities of camps in the Sahelian strip, given its geographical location and the context in which it was created and developed. It was set up according to the humanitarian rationale of segregating and confining refugees (Bouagga, 2019; Chauvin, 2015). Established in an emergency situation, the primary objective of saving as many lives as possible and restoring human dignity, coupled with compliance with security standards, largely influenced the location of the site. Land had to be available, the site had to be accessible and it had to be at a reasonable distance from crisis zones. In a relatively short space of time, the decision was made to locate the camp in Minawao, on the outskirts of the commune of Mokolo, around 30km away, and 70km from the border. Since then, the camp's population has continued to grow. Table 1 below summarises the annual number of refugees since 2015, with details for June 2022, which marks the start of our work.

Table 1 Changes in the number of refugees in the Minawao camp
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Data collection and analysis

The data required for this study were collected during a six-month ethnographic visit to the camp (from June to November 2022). This situation made it possible to talk to humanitarian staff, the local population, and the refugees while immersing ourselves in the daily lives of each of them. Specifically for the refugees, a questionnaire was also administered to 472 volunteers, randomly selected from the camp at a regular rate of 4 to 6 people per shelter block. However, two criteria were defined for the choice of respondents: age and length of time in the camp, to increase the availability and credibility of the information. The average age of respondents was 39, and 88.56% had been in the camp for at least 5 years (Table 2).

Table 2 Date of entry to the camp
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Photography and cartographic analysis were used to accompany the results of the above surveys. The maps for the vegetation cover and land use study were produced using November images for 2015, 2017, 2019 and 2022, all taken by the Sentinel-2 satellite launched in June 2015 (ADMIN, 2021). They were all downloaded free of charge from the Copernicus website ( https://scihub.copernicus.eu) and have the following characteristics (Table 3). This type of image has the advantage of being high-resolution, already pre-processed, and widely used for mapping purposes (Chouari, 2015; Gautam et al., 2015; Souberou et al., 2017; Zhai et al., 2015). In addition, the choice of these dates depends on the availability of usable satellite images, the date on which the camp was set up and the date on which reforestation activities began. November was chosen to minimise cloud cover, and the two-year time interval was respected to assess changes in vegetation and land use. Table 3 bellow present the characteristics of the images used.

Table 3 Characteristics of the images used
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To analyse the vegetation cover, the multispectral images were first pre-processed (DOS 1 atmospheric corrections) to reduce the effect of atmospheric scattering. An unsupervised Iso cluster classification was performed using QGIS software (version 3.22). This classification was based on the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) calculated according to the formula:

\(\text{NDVI}=\frac{NIR-R}{NIR+R}\) with NIR, near infrared, and R, red radiation (Rouse et al., 1974).

A classification into eight (08) classes and twenty (20) iterations was obtained. The classes were subjected to post-classification processing to obtain three analysis units on our site: soil/land, crops, and forest.

Regarding land cover, the classification method adopted is that of Oriented Classification carried out with ArcGIS software (Version 10.8). The classification made it possible to identify the main groups of land uses, namely dense formations (forest), sparse formations (crops), water surfaces (watercourses), bare soil/rangelands and inhabited sites (built-up areas). The classifications obtained in raster format were converted to vector format (shapefile). This way, we could get our different land use classes.

The study has several limitations. Although the study site was the Minawao refugee camp, data on the neighbouring villages would have provided more detailed information on the influence of refugees on environmental degradation in Minawao and the surrounding area. This fact includes data on the village of Minawao, the respective populations of the villages bordering Minawao, the official boundaries of each village, and the state of degradation of the vegetation cover in these villages before the arrival of the refugees. Despite the steps taken, we could not obtain statistical data due to a lack of archives of studies carried out in the area and the lack of concordance of information obtained from the relevant authorities.

Results

Degradation of plant cover

The influence of the presence of refugees on the vegetation cover has existed since the establishment of the Minawao camp. Although it is difficult to reconstruct the vegetation cover of Minawao before the camp was set up, even by analysing the satellite images available, the testimony obtained from the neighbouring village chief (Gadala) shows that Minawao's vegetation cover was not dense. According to the camp administrator, who has been there since 2013, the area occupied by the Minawao camp was a vast expanse of land used by the villagers for grazing and farming. The creation of the camp in 2013 led to the departure of these agricultural and grazing activities.

After the intense emergency phase until around 2015, refugees began to demand more firewood. According to the refugees surveyed, 85.71% use wood for cooking, which they buy outside the camp (23.86%) and in the camp (23.61%) (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2
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Origin of firewood used by refugees in the Minawao camp. Source: Field surveys, 2022

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Wood sellers cut wood to increase their stock and sell throughout the year, meaning the percentage of woodcuts is higher than our statistics. Logging has given rise to several conflicts, and the problem has been felt in two ways. Firstly, due to the scarcity of wood and certain species prized for traditional medicine. Interviews with refugee women show that walking around 10 km outside the camp is necessary to find wood, compared with a 3 km walk in 2013/14. The second indicator of the extent of the problem is the upsurge in conflicts with the host community, which depends on wood for cooking and generating income. During our interviews, the vigilance committee (made up of refugees) and the Forces de Maintien de l'Ordre (FMO) each pointed out that one of the refugees' two main problems with the host community is the cutting of wood: "The refugees go and cut trees in Gadala, Gawar and Zamaï in disorder, which leads to tension and fights". Everyone agreed with the refugees that this situation has worsened because most wood is cut in the Zamaï forest reserve. The refugees no longer limit themselves to gathering dead branches. Figure 3 below shows women returning from the Zamaï forest reserve.

Fig. 3
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Group of refugee women returning from logging in the reserve. (a) Branches of wood cut on the reserve; (b) Shrub trunks cut on the reserve. Source: Field surveys, 2022

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The fact that this is one of the main places where refugees cut wood led to an analysis of the correlation between the refugee population in the camp and changes in vegetation cover in the Zamaï forest reserve.

Figure 4 shows the reserve's location concerning the refugee camp. It is located 9 km from the camp in the canton of Zamaï. It was difficult to determine the exact boundaries of the reserve. The current boundaries are based on the natural limits of the end of the forest identified in the field and the assessment of satellite images. On the one hand, it is bounded to the west by the P29 dirt road leading to the camp, to the east by the P2 Mokolo-Maroua road, to the north by Zamaï, and to the south by the Woudango village community. It is also home to the small village community of Pomla.

Fig. 4
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Location of the Zamaï forest reserve near the refugee camp

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Figure 5 shows a diachronic analysis of satellite images of the reserve processed between 2015 and 2022. The reserve covers an area of 469.542 ha and is gradually losing vegetation cover. Between 2015 and 2017, the space occupied by forests fell by 13.16%. It will continue to decline by -17% from 2017 to 2019 and by -6.75% from 2019 to 2022, giving a total decline of -37.38% from 2015 to 2022. On the other hand, the area of bare soil and rangeland increased by 32.74% over the entire observation period. The opposite trend in these two variables is synonymous with the gradual loss of vegetation cover in the forest reserve. Observation of the area under cultivation over this period shows that it is evolving in a jagged pattern, with an initial decrease of -5.05% from 2015 to 2017, followed by a substantial increase of 10.27% between 2017 and 2019 and a slight decline of -0.58% from 2019 to 2022. The presence of fields and fluctuations in their size indicate the indigenous population's human activities within the reserve. Thus, although the refugees come to cut trees, as mentioned above, the reserve is also used by the natives for the fields and probably for cutting trees.

Fig. 5
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Changes in vegetation cover in the forest reserve area

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Contributions to plant cover

Faced with this worrying situation of deforestation and conflict, the local office of the UNHCR, based in Maroua, made the environment and energy sector one of its humanitarian response sectors in 2017. In the same year, it boosted the industry by launching the "Make Minawao green again" project, which has a threefold objective: i) to renew the vegetation cover of the camp and its surroundings, ii) to increase Minawao's carbon stock, iii) to reduce the impact of human activity on the vegetation.

Table 4 summarises the work carried out on plant cover under this initiative. It shows that, 439,069 seedlings were planted for an estimated reforestation area of 963.056ha from 2017 to 2022.

Table 4 Reforestation activities
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The project has considered the climatic context of the area by emphasising the partnership with Land Life Company to guarantee a minimum of success for the Minawao reforestation project in sensitive areas. Land Life Company offers an innovative cocoon for planting seedlings. The cocoon is a biodegradable vase that stores 25 L of water and provides the plants with the right conditions to take root and develop for six months before disintegrating without any risk of soil pollution.

Figure 6 shows an image of one of the reforestation project's achievements in the Minawao camp. It is the first area to be reforested under the scheme.

Fig. 6
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Observation of the changing vegetation in the Minawao camp. (a) Photo taken in 2017 (ADES, 2017) Working session with the Environment and Energy Manager, October 2022 (b) Photo of 2022 (Field survey 2022)

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The project's achievements can be seen more clearly by tracing the evolution of vegetation cover in the Minawao camp. Figure 7 illustrates this trend, showing the formation of pockets of forest with an overall increase of 9.42% in forest area between 2015 and 2022. The same applies to the area under cultivation, which increased by 14.53% over the same period. However, there is a peculiarity between 2015 and 2019. After a growth peak in 2017 of 22.76% for crops and 5.84% for forests, these areas fell by -20.74% and -3.05%, respectively, in 2019. The fluctuation in surface area could be explained by the fact that from 2015 to 2017, the availability of space in the camp enabled refugees to practise agriculture and the development of the old-growth forest in the south of the camp. From 2017 to 2019, the increase in the refugee population in 2019 means that the camp is becoming denser, to the detriment of crops. The forest islands are also under threat, coupled with anthropogenic pressure from the refugees' quest for firewood and the low survival rate of seedlings. From 2019 to 2022, despite the continued densification of the camp, measures are being taken to achieve a balance that can be seen in 2022.

Fig. 7
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Evolution of vegetation cover in the Minawao camp

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In parallel with the "Make Minawao Green Again" project, we found that the HCR has initiated training and awareness-raising activities, as well as the manufacture and use of ecological charcoal and improved fireplaces, to limit the amount of wood cut by refugees. Similarly, the environment department has set up an environment committee and the Friends of nature club in the refugee community, with which it collaborates. Over the period 2017–2022, the department's records show that 78 nurserymen were trained, 100 refugees were trained in agroforestry, 450 women and 1,570 households were trained in making ecological charcoal, and 50 men and 1,386 women were trained in making improved stoves. Over the same period, the department produced 55,242kg of ecological charcoal, of which 1,950kg was distributed to 1,594 households (i.e., 0.98kg/household). The rest was sold on local markets to keep the production units running.

Despite these efforts, these statistics are still insufficient concerning the camp's population. The supply of charcoal does not cover the monthly demand to replace wood completely. Only 14% of the refugees surveyed use ecological charcoal. Of these, 22% produce their own charcoal. 62.71% of households surveyed do not use improved stoves because they do not know how (41.55%) or do not find them efficient (32.77%). This production shortfall, coupled with the refugees' low level of support for the use of ecological charcoal and improved stoves, largely explains why the refugees continue to cut down trees. Discussions with the environment department team revealed financial constraints, with insufficient material resources to produce enough charcoal. As a result, they are forced to sell a large proportion of the charcoal they produce, while the refugees receive no financial support.

With the permanent presence of the FMO, humanitarian workers and the vigilance committee, surveillance and security of the wooded areas are guaranteed in the camp. However, outside the camp and particularly in the forest reserve, where surveillance and security are the responsibility of the government, it is easy for refugees to gain access without fences or security. The forest guards and representatives of the Ministry of the Environment in the region are on minimum duty and are not regularly on the ground. The FMO, who are also understaffed in the camp, are not empowered to make arrests. This minimal government presence to provide a firm framework for environmental protection is undoubtedly making it more difficult for humanitarian workers, who are already overburdened by their operations, to manage the refugees, to the detriment of the continuing decrease in vegetation cover.

Influence on land use

The observed manifestations of the influence of the Minawao camp on land use are camp sprawl and land degradation. The sprawl of the camp was observed by assessing the dynamics of spatial occupation on different dates, from 2013 to 2022. Figure 8 shows three main physiographic formations. Calculations of the built-up area show a rate of change of around 33% in the built-up area between 2015 and 2022. In addition, the camp has become denser since 2019.

Fig. 8
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Minawao land use dynamics

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The logic of humanitarian planning is more inclined toward sprawl than densification, given the standards to be respected. In this respect, "the UNHCR had proposed opening a second camp about a hundred kilometres from Minawao". This request was not granted. Hence, the densification observed since 2019. Looking at the current camp boundary, the camp occupies an area of 635.84 ha, 12.84 ha more than the initial area granted (623 ha). Direct observations showed that this overrun was due to facilities such as refugee fields, shelters, the Cholera Treatment Centre (CTC, formerly the Covid Isolation Centre) and the cemetery.

In addition, the facilities needed for the camp are also located outside the camp boundary. These were identified during the field surveys: the Gourringel transit centre, the sludge dumping site, and the drinking water supply facilities (water tower, pumping station, recovery station and boreholes). All this infrastructure, covering a total area of 1,480.27 ha, is essentially dedicated to the humanitarian response to the refugees. The camp's status could explain the construction of these infrastructures as a protracted situation. It resulted in the creation of new permanent infrastructure inside and outside the camp to improve the effectiveness of the humanitarian response.

Regarding soil degradation, it is difficult at this stage to quantify the direct link between the camp and soil degradation in Minawao. However, 85.81% of the refugees surveyed, compared with 14.19% (Table 5), believe that the Minawao soil has gradually degraded since the camp was set up. The types of deterioration observed were erosion (77.04%), followed by the subsidence of buildings (21.73%) (Table 5). No cases of flooding in the camp were reported.

Table 5 Perception and types of damage observed by refugees in the camp
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In the camp, erosion can be seen in the crumbling walls of the earthen shelters and the run-off lines. Erosion at this level is probably accelerated by excavations carried out by refugees to make mud bricks.

Actions taken to reduce the dynamics of land use

Sprawl is a natural process for all human settlements and usually occurs over time to improve the living environment or prosperity. It has become a cause for concern for the Minawao camp because it distorts the temporary status of refugee camps and has the impacts described above.

One of the UNHCR's prerogatives is to support repatriating refugees who have freely consented. This approach is one of the durable solutions used during a prolonged crisis. In our context, it can be cited as one of the means used to reduce the size of the camp population and de facto the sprawl of the camp and the degradation of the campground. In fact, on March 02 2017, a tripartite agreement was signed between the governments of the Republic of Cameroon, the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the UNHCR, laying down the clauses for the voluntary repatriation of Nigerian refugees living in Cameroon. Thus, 133 refugees returned to Adamawa State on August 2019, 3880 refugees were repatriated to Borno State (Bama and Banki) from March 08 to April 09 2021 (ADES, 2022), and 1300 refugees repatriated in January 2023 (ADES, 2023). We should not forget the case of informal returns, which the UNHCR does not record. They represented 2.75% of the population surveyed.

The repatriation process has resulted in the return of 5,313 refugees since the camp was created. It is still a tiny number given the camp's estimated population of 76,063 refugees in December 2022 (HCR, 2022). The duration of the crisis can explain it, as repatriations are organised after a phase of relative calm in the North-East Nigeria and Far North Cameroon regions. In addition, repatriation remains an activity based on the will and consent of the refugee. So, the notion of security and peace remains relative to their perception of the facts.

According to the surveys carried out in 2022, 93.43% stated that they had not yet repatriated because, in their opinion, their place of origin was not safe (62.08%), they felt comfortable in the camp (23.31%), or they did not wish to give their reasons (8.05%). 6.56% said they had already repatriated, 3.81% with the UNHCR and 2.75% informally. Their presence in the camp indicates a dysfunction in the monitoring and managing their resettlement in Nigeria," says the person in charge of VolRep (Mass Media and Communication Office). From the testimonies received, the security aspect is the main reason for their return, followed by the quality of life, which is a little better at the Minawao camp than the reception centres in Nigeria in Bama and Banki. In the absence of total peace in the region, this situation increases the camp's lifespan and de facto fuels the spread of the camp's occupation.

As far as soil degradation is concerned, no real action has been taken. Refugees' construction of earthen shelters is well received, as they are more durable than emergency shelters economical and ecologically responsible. It would, therefore, be a good idea for humanitarian staff to monitor the exploitation of the soil by defining excavation sites and the amount of land that can be exploited.

Discussions

The results of this research have firstly shown the negative influence of the refugee camp. Overall, the continuous settlement of Nigerian refugees has influenced the pressure on plant resources, notably through the cutting of wood and the reduction of cultivated areas. This state of affairs seems to be common to all refugee settlements in sub-Saharan Africa (Lassailly-Jacob, 2012). A few cases can be cited. Imbernon (2003) in his environmental study of the refugee camp in Guinea also asserts that the presence of refugees (Liberians and Sierra Leoneans) has accelerated the exploitation of natural resources through agriculture and logging, with the aim of improving their food situation. Recently, Jiagho et al., (2021) demonstrated that the presence of refugees in villages near the National Parc of Waza (NPW), has increased demand and pressure on natural resources and, in turn, the degradation of the park's forests. The NPW is a forest reserve in Cameroon, not far from Lake Chad, which is listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site (UNESCO, 2023).

Particularly for refugees in the Minawao camp, they use wood mainly for cooking food portions distributed by the World Food Program (WFP) (Brangeon & Bolivard, 2017). This has resulted in the scarcity of firewood in the locality and the disappearance of certain forest species. This corroborates the findings of Kodji & Ibrahima (2021). The authors state that, in the area comprising Minawao and its surroundings (Gawar, Sabongari, Windé and zamaï), the threat of extinction to species is reported more frequently in Minawao Village (73.04 ± 14.61%) than in the other localities. Overexploited species include Anogeissus leiocarpus (87.45 ± 4.16%), Tamarindus indica (86.47 ± 7.29%), Diospyros mespiliformis (75.10 ± 9.33%) and Parkia biglobosa (65.10 ± 12.08%). This situation has also been observed in the communes of Gueskérou and Chétimari in southeastern Niger, where, following the settlement of Nigerian refugees in 2013 in the said communes, a reduction in forest species was recorded through a decline in the areas of shrub steppe and gallery forest (Habou et al., 2019).

Cartographic analysis of the refugee camp and the Zamaï forest reserve further illustrated the destruction of vegetation cover. It shows a regression rate of -37.38% from 2015 to 2022 for the reserve area and -3.05% from 2017 to 2019 for the camp area. Refugees and humanitarian operators are responsible for the refugee camp. As far as the reserve area is concerned, the situation is mixed, as the reserve, which covered an area of 1,000 ha when it was created in 1947, had an area of 596 ha in 2014 (Teweche et al., 2017) compared with 469.542ha in 2022, according to our analyses. The reserve's size has shrunk from 404ha in 67 years (i.e., 6.029ha/year) to 126,458ha in 8 years (i.e., 15.807ha/year). The author explains that, the decline observed from 1947 to 2014 results from the combined effect of the exploitation of the reserve by residents (mainly by cutting wood, planting fields, and feeding livestock), the government's failure to implement sustainable environmental management policies. Coupled with the minimal presence of the relevant authorities as observed on the ground, this situation illustrates the figure of the minimal state (Mahamat, 2021).

Furthermore, throughout our study, the area under cultivation increased by 4.64% overall, proving that farming activities in the reserve by local people are still ongoing. That said, the refugees are not the only ones contributing to the degradation of the reserve but it is the result of a combination of the three factors mentioned above. The presence of the refugees since 2013 accelerated this degradation by cutting down wood. We therefore understand the results of Kodji et al. (2020), which show that the Minawao village in 2020 had the highest rate of degradation (73.49 ± 18.89%) of its vegetation cover in the region, followed by Gawar (65.14 ± 23.56%) located about 5km from the Camp and Zamaï (64.8 ± 23.69%) compared with the localities of Sabongari (63.22 ± 24.35%) located nearly 20km from the Camp and Windé (56.37 ± 28.02%) about 35km away. This difference in pressure intensity between an area housing refugees and indigenous villages has also been criticised in several international reports (Barry et al., 2013; Black, 1998) in Chad, Burkina Faso, and Kenya.

Refugees from the Minawao camp are therefore having a negative impact on Minawao's environmental resources, to the extent that they are cutting wood in the forest reserve. This act calls into question the refugees' values in terms of respecting and preserving the environment. In this sense, research by Black (1998) shows that refugees are not totally indifferent to the environment; they are more prey to "utilitarian resource extraction" in order to live or survive in their new environment. Jiagho et al. (2021) argue that there is a lack of motivation to respect the rules of environmental conservation because, according to their investigations, the refugees have been responsible for the decline in tree cover, the shrub savannah and the increased growth of bare soil in the WNP. In the context of Minawao, we agree with the statement by Lassailly-Jacob, (2012) that, the degradation of vegetation cover and the environment in general by refugees is much more a failure of community and humanitarian activities. The direct radius of influence of this degradation is estimated at around 15km based on the details obtained from the various surveys and the cartographic analysis of the Zamaï forest reserve. This radius is 5km greater than that obtained by Ibrahim et al. (2023) for the Diffa commune in Niger, where a similar refugee camp has been set up.

Aware of the environmental and social risks caused by the degradation of the vegetation cover, the UNHCR has undertaken a series of inclusive actions since 2017 to reforest the camp (and its surroundings) and reduce anthropogenic actions. Although the scientific literature does not really mention it, the influence of the presence of refugees is not only negative. Reforestation in the Minawao camp has increased by 9.42% since 2015, giving rise to the beginnings of forests. The integration of the environment among the UNHCR's humanitarian response sectors has also led to the implementation of tree nurseries, the manufacture and use of ecological charcoal and improved stoves. Over the past decade, the UNHCR has become increasingly concerned about preserving the environment. These actions carried out in the Minawao camp are also being implemented in the Gado-Badzéré camp in the East Cameroon region, and in Uganda with the support of the International Centre for Research in Agroforestry (Laird et al., 2022). In the case of Uganda in particular, a new country-wide energy and environmental strategy has been in place since 2018. Its implementation in refugee camps such as Palebek takes into account the creation of tree nurseries, energy-saving stoves, the manufacture of eco-charcoal and solar-powered lamps for lighting (Robinson, 2018). The author states that the refugees (South Sudanese), the Ugandans and their government are working together to save the environment and that, the refugees are seen as a driving force for environmental protection and conservation and are therefore heavily involved in this process. Mauritania, too, has made environmental management a national cause, and a concrete example of this vision is in the Hodh Chargui locality where the M'béra refugee camp is located (UNHCR Mauritanie, 2021) In 4 years (2016–2020), with the participation of the refugees, the local UNHCR office in the area has succeeded in planting 61,851 seedlings inside and outside the camp, setting up and regularly monitoring 10 small and medium-sized green businesses, recycling latrine sludge and mobilising the community in the fight against bush fires.

All these measures are to be encouraged, but unfortunately, they do not always lead to major results, as was the case in Uganda and Mauritania. In Minawao, all the actions undertaken by the HCR have not yet produced satisfactory results because humanitarian organisations are faced with a lack of funding and the difficulty of matching the humanitarian rationale, which applies in emergency situations, with the rationale of environmental integration, which requires long-term, sustainable planning (Majewski, 2022). Furthermore, the complexity of implementing coercive measures to force refugees to use ecological charcoal and to stop cutting wood in favour of reforestation is a significant challenge. This state of affairs is further compounded by the context of a minimal State and the fact that humanitarian workers, from the outset, emphasise the rights of refugees and their distress, while their duties towards the host states are rarely mentioned, if at all (Mahamat, 2021). As previously stated in the results, a significant proportion of the charcoal is sold, while the refugees receive no humanitarian aid in the form of money. Moreover, the refugees originate from rural areas where the use of wood for cooking has become a way of life, which is a key factor in their resistance. This corroborates Kitoto's analyses, in which he demonstrates the impact of cultural barriers on changing culinary habits and traditions in Cameroon's Sahelian urban centres (Kitoto, 2018).

Secondly, the results showed the influence of the Minawao refugee camp on land use. The literature consulted revealed that the installation of a camp, in most cases, deprives the natives of their cultivation land, following the example of the Boudouri and Maina Kaderi camps located in the Diffa region of Niger (Habou et al., 2019). This assertion is also true of the Minawao camp, which was set up to take advantage of existing pasture and grazing activities or to strengthen the vegetation cover, which was being degraded. The Minawao camp is expanding and becoming denser as the refugee population grows. According to Brangeon and Bolivard (2017) the presence of the Minawao camp will lead to long-term soil compaction, which in the medium and long term will damage the quality of the soil and call into question the possibility of cultivating it after it closes. In eastern Niger, where Nigerian refugees also settled in 2015, the effects of soil degradation were observed in the region's refugee camps after 3 years (Ibrahim et al., 2023). The results of the authors' work show a decline in fallow land and arable space in favour of an increase in human habitation throughout the region. Beyond the African continent, the establishment of refugee camps in Bangladesh has led to the loss of topsoil, making the land unproductive for any plant growth, and increasing surface run-off, intensifying erosion (Ahmmed et al., 2020; Mahamud et al., 2018).

For now, the destruction of the vegetation cover at Minawao is not without consequences for farming activities. According to direct observations and testimonies, the refugees use chemical fertilisers to improve their production and see a drop in agricultural output because of soil degradation (Kodji et al., 2021b). The removal of forest vegetation in the forested hills of Bangladesh has altered the physico-chemical characteristics of the soil and influenced the local and regional environment (Zaman et al., 2010). It is because certain woody species improve soil fertility and guide farmers in their choice of crops. This is probably the case in Minawao.

Bare soil and traces of erosion are also indicators of soil degradation (Habou et al., 2019). Surveys of refugees residing in the camp revealed that more than 85% believe that the soil in Minawao has been gradually degrading since the camp was established. Erosion is the leading indicator of perception. This supports the results of the 2021 study, in which the inhabitants of Minawao and the neighbouring village of Gawar reported a severe level of soil degradation, while those of the villages of Windé and Zamaï, a little further away, said a moderate level of soil degradation (Kodji, & Ibrahima, 2021).

Conclusion

All in all, regerding the problem of the influence of the presence of refugees in the camp on the environment in Minawao and the surrounding area, the surveys focused on the analysis of plant and soil resources. The hypothesis stated at the start of the research was confirmed. The results show that the refugees have contributed to the degradation of the plant cover in Minawao and the surrounding area. This degradation's direct radius of influence is estimated at around 15km, based on the details obtained from the various surveys and the cartographic analysis of the Zamaï forest reserve. In addition, the camp's continued existence is harming the dynamics of land use in the area. At the same time, humanitarian actions are being undertaken with patches of forest visible within the refugee camp. However, these are still limited and need to be significantly improved. In this respect, the "Make Minawao green again" project could be strategically reoriented towards agroforestry, and material and financial resources could be made available to strengthen its impact beyond the refugee camp. In addition, restrictive measures for refugees must accompany the awareness-raising approach and the inclusion of refugees in actions to preserve the ecological balance in Minawao and the surrounding area. It should also be pointed out that inadequate management of the environment could lead to a resurgence of social tensions between refugees and the host community and hinder the formation of forests. It would, therefore, be interesting also to study the influence of the refugees on the socio-economic aspects of Minawao to promote sustainable development for the host community and the refugees.