Introduction

From 2012 to 2022, at least 290 transgender and gender non-conforming individuals were fatally shot or killed in a violent manner (Human Rights Campaign, 2023). We say at least because many cases go unreported or misreported by the police and the media. Some scholars argue that violence against transgender people and their deaths are underreported because their deaths simply matter less due to widely held pervasive transphobic and heteronormative beliefs (Lenning et al., 2021; Schilt & Westbrook, 2009; Worthen, 2016). These beliefs not only motivate and enable people to abuse and victimize transgender people, but they may also explain why their victimization and deaths go underreported despite research showing that transgender people are more at risk of gender-based violence than cisgender people, especially if they are people of color (Small et al., 2022; Wirtz et al., 2020; Westbrook, 2022). As the number of deaths continues to climb, the Human Rights Campaign (HRC) has called this phenomenon an “Epidemic of violence.”

When examining what types of crimes are reported by the media, research finds that when uncommon events such as homicide occur, they are more likely to receive news media attention than minor crimes, leading to their overrepresentation in news media coverage (Buckler & Travis, 2005; Chermak, 1995; Gruenewald et al., 2009). Yet, when examining what types of homicides are reported on, prior studies have found that not all homicides are newsworthy. Homicides most often covered by the news media include white victims, specifically cisgender white women and girls (Lundman, 2003; Slakoff & Brennan, 2019; Sorenson et al., 1998), multiple victims and suspects (Johnstone et al., 1995; Paulsen, 2003; Peelo et al., 2004), affluent and elderly victims (Johnstone et al., 1995; Sorenson et al., 1998), and rare circumstances (e.g., sexually driven homicides; Paulsen, 2003). The exclusion of marginalized and minoritized populations from news media reporting can pose several problems, such as biased and incomplete findings that fail to capture the complexity of homicide incidents. It can reinforce harmful stereotypes that contribute to the marginalization of already disadvantaged communities and limit the opportunities for researchers to provide insights into the causes, patterns, and consequences of lethal violence, thus reducing the development of strategies for prevention, intervention, resource allocation, and policy decisions.

While research examining homicide coverage has produced important findings, research is limited to news media coverage of cisgenderFootnote 1 homicide victims which excludes how the news media frames transgender and gender non-conforming (TGNC) individuals (Maza et al., 2015). TGNC individuals are found to experience elevated risks of abuse, discrimination, gender-based violence, and harassment than cisgender individuals largely based on queer criminal archetypes and stigmatizing stereotypes of TGNC individuals (James et al., 2016; Jauk, 2013; Mogul et al., 2011). For instance, early mass media representations portray TGNC individuals as deceivers, predators, and mentally unstable (Gamson, 2009; Gross, 1991; Mogul et al., 2011; Woods, 2015). These portrayals can evoke strong emotional responses and contribute to a general hatred toward TGNC that can result in transphobic violence with lethal consequences (Wodda & Panfil, 2015). Additionally, media portrayals can fuel anti-trans legislation. For example, in recent years, lawmakers, namely Republicans, have introduced over 150 anti-trans bills that aim to regulate and restrict the lives of trans individuals (ACLU, 2023). With the introduction of these bills there have also been social media campaigns aimed at keeping schools and sports “safe”. Thus, these portrayals have the potential to limit basic human rights. Since news media portrayals can influence prosocial behavior and public opinion (Adekoya, 2013; Allen & Hatchett, 1986), it is critically important to examine the way the news media reports on these victims to consider the potential implications of these portrayals.

The current study employed a mixed-method approach to explore how the news media depicts gender non-conforming (GNC) victims. Many individuals who may be referred to as transgender may describe themselves in ways that are at odds with how others may define them (Bettcher, 2006). Thus, to be inclusive, using Bettcher’s (2006) broad operationalization of the term, we use the prefix ‘trans’ to indicate “a person who presents a gender that may be construed as at odds with the sex that was assigned to them at birth or who presents gender in ways that may be construed as inconsistent or androgynousFootnote 2” (p.176), which can include GNC individuals. We recognize that not everyone whose gender does not align with their sex assigned at birth identifies as trans, so for the purposes of this study we use GNC as an umbrella term for all victims who fall under the broad category of GNC (e.g., non-binary, gender fluid), to differentiate between them and other trans populations that have been of focus in previous studies (i.e., trans women and trans feminine individuals). We understand that trans populations are not monolithic. Still, given the scarcity of known cases between 2012 and 2022, we find it best to aggregate these victims under their own umbrella term to offer a broader perspective on this issue. In total, we analyzed 88 news media articles published in U.S. mainstream online news outlets concerning 17 known GNC individuals murdered between January 2012 and December 2022. The findings indicate positive, neutral, and negative frames of GNC homicide victims used by news media outlets to describe these victims and the circumstances of their deaths.

Literature Review

The increase in homicide rates of TGNC individuals through the past decade forges a double-edged sword of awareness through mainstream news media reporting. One edge mainstreams the reporting of victims that are often forgotten by general news, but the other side increases the potential for misreporting, deadnaming, and misgendering of the victims (Osborn, 2022; Seely, 2021; Wood et al., 2022). Misreporting in these cases can result in poor public perceptions and sentiments of these victims who already struggle to receive support in their everyday lives (Lenning et al., 2021; Osborn 2022; Seely, 2021; Stotzer, 2008). In cases that receive large amounts of mainstream news media reporting, such as the high-profile cases of Gwen Araujo and Brandon Teena, positive support is extended to the victim (Barker-Plummer, 2013). Other victims are not as lucky, either receiving no mainstream coverage or minimal coverage by local news media sites. Such diversity in reporting styles of victims brings about questions as to how mainstream news media reports other cases in which the victim is a GNC individual.

Fatal Violence: The Trans Experience

Prior research indicates that the rate at which TGNC individuals experience fatal and non-fatal violence is often underreported for a myriad of reasons. These can range from familial refusal to identify the victim as trans, especially in terms of fatal violence, to underreporting by victims themselves in instances of non-fatal violence due to distrust and lack of faith in the police (Gauthier et al., 2021; Gyamerah et al, 2021; Momen & Dilks, 2021; Stotzer, 2008, 2009; Wood et al, 2022;). The conglomeration of these reasons in individual cases could result in the large gap that is observed between reported violence and predicted violence rates. In 2015, the FBI predicted that the rate of fatal violence against TGNC individuals could be 40 times higher than what is currently reported (Momen & Dilks, 2021). Despite this prediction, we still see little outreach from governmental institutions to better report on violence against trans individuals. Instead, researchers must utilize advocacy sources such as the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP) and the Human Rights Campaign (HRC) to attain national information on rates of violence, especially fatal violence, against TGNC individuals (Lenning et al, 2021; Momen & Dilks, 2021; Stotzer, 2008).

What is known about trans homicide rates is that in comparison with cisgender homicide victims, trans people are less likely to be to victims (Dinno, 2017). This may be because trans people are more aware of their potential risks (i.e., transphobic hostility), and thus are more aware of their surroundings and avoid certain situations that may result in lethal violence. However, research finds that transfeminine Black and Latina trans people are at higher risk of homicide than their cisfeminine counterparts (Dinno, 2017). For example, Dinno (2017) finds that compared to the homicide rates of Black cisgender women (40.9 out of 100,000), Black transfeminine people were significantly at risk (95.1 out of 100,000). For Latina cisgender women, homicide rates are 12.6 out of 100,000 which is lower than Latina transfeminine people (17.7 out of 100,000). This is supported by further research that finds trans women of color, especially Black women, are the most common group of homicide victims and whose cases are least likely to result in a guilty verdict (Momen & Dilks, 2021). And while transmasculine people may also be at risk of homicide, their numbers pale in comparison with transfeminine peopleFootnote 3 (Dinno, 2017).

News Media Framing of Trans Homicide Victims

Much of the research that is already established in queer criminology regarding news media coverage of trans populations focuses primarily on trans women or trans feminine individuals who fall into the binary trans spectrum.Footnote 4 However, it can still be utilized to indicate reporting trends and victimization rates of individuals who generally do not fall on the cisgender heteronormative binary spectrum (Osborn, 2022; DeJong et al., 2021; Wood et al., 2022). For example, research finds that how news media outlets report trans homicides can legitimize or delegitimize trans people and affect how the public perceives them (Billard, 2016; Seely, 2021). Scant literature shows that trans victims are misgendered,Footnote 5 deadnamed,Footnote 6 depicted negatively (e.g., as deceivers which serves to blame them for their deaths), or portrayed in deviant ways (Barker-Plummer, 2013; Billard, 2016; Wood et al., 2022). Victim blaming in particular is an issue when trans victims have a criminal record which contributes to the news media framing them as untruthful and deceitful (Williams, 2009). In doing this, the news media can “obscure the complex overlap between offending and victimization and increase victim blaming in cases where victims are marginalized” (DeJong et al., 2021, p.5). Moreover, the news media framing of trans victims of color is also a problem, as research finds that they are more likely to be labeled as deceivers, sexualized, objectified and their deaths sensationalized (Mackenzie & Marcel, 2009; Williams, 2009).

The presented literature illustrates that the news media does a poor job reporting on trans homicide victims, however, there does appear to be a change in portrayals. Most notable is the use of correct names and pronouns and the inclusion of positive narratives provided by friends and family (DeJong et al., 2021; Osborn, 2022). These changes are likely the result of increased guidance on how to report on LGBTQ victims of violence by the Associated Press and GLAAD, a non-profit organization focused on LGBTQ advocacy that has created a media reference guideFootnote 7 intended to be used by journalists to improve their reporting of LGBTQ individuals. It could also be that there is more awareness of sexuality and gender identity and/or critiques made by community members, friends, and family, about the media delegitimizing their loved ones.

While these studies shed light on how trans victims of homicide are portrayed by the news media, very few of these prior studies have examined the news media reporting on victims who may also identify underneath the transgender umbrellaFootnote 8 such as gender non-conforming, gender fluid, and non-binary individuals. As such, our knowledge of the news media’s reporting on other trans homicide victims remains limited. To fill this research gap, through a queer criminological lens, we build on previous studies of news media depictions of transgender victims of homicide in the U.S.

Methods and Data

A qualitative content analysis was used to explore how the news media frames GNC victims of homicide in the United States between the years of 2012 and 2022. The following research questions were posed: (1) How frequently do the news media delegitimize, victim blame, and question the credibility of gender non-conforming victims of homicide? (2) How do news media reports frame homicides of gender non-conforming victims and to what degree do these reports explicitly tie transphobic violence to these incidents? (3) What characteristics or recurring themes are common to the coverage of gender non-conforming victims, including victim support, victim blaming, and physical characteristics? To answer these questions, a content and thematic analysis was used. Content analysis allows for the examination of media or document information and content (Neuman, 2011; Bryman, 2008). The content analysis identified the news media’s portrayal of GNC victims by quantifying identifiable variables on the media’s portrayal of GNC homicide victims, such as media type, citing the police, the portrayal of the victim, support for the victim, pronoun usage, naming, victim blaming, misapplication of terms, and past-tense references. Thematic analysis, which is useful for systematically cataloging, identifying, and organizing data, was used to catalog and identify emerging themes related to case characteristics and news media articles (Bryman, 2008). As such, the inductive coding process for thematic analysis began simultaneously with the content analysis.

Data were collected through the HRC and was confirmed through NCAVP annual reports. The HRC has collected data on violence against TGNC individuals since 2016; whereas, the NCAVP provides reports beginning in 2012. Thus, reports on victims from 2012 to 2015 were collected only using the NCAVP; 2016–2017 victim reports were collected from the HRC and NCAVP; and lastly, victim reports from 2018 to 2022 were collected solely using HRC data. A cursory search was completed to ensure that chosen names, dead names, and perpetrator information were all accounted for.Footnote 9 Once the victims’ names were identified using the HRC and NCAVP’s reports, that information was cataloged in a Google sheet to produce the codebook.

The codebook was made up of case characteristics and victim names, including gender identity, age, race/ethnicity, state, year of death, cause and location of death, perpetrators, and additional information on the case. Through a census approachFootnote 10 (Fowler, 2009), cases were selected solely based on gender identity due to the limited number of reported homicides of GNC victims; thus, all cases of known GNC victims between 2012 and 2022 were used. A Google search using the victim’s name (chosen and dead name), homicide year, and geographical location was used to search for all news reports of the case. Data collection ceased when no more news media reports of the victims were generated. To reduce potential bias within news media reports, LGBTQ sources were not examined as they may report on LGBTQ victims from a different point of view (i.e., positive portrayals).

News media articles operate on a multitude of platforms in the U.S., including national (e.g., CNN, NYTimes), local (e.g., the Chicago Tribune, the Augusta Chronicle), and website sources (e.g., U.S.A. Today, News Week). Web sources were identified by reading their “about me” section to determine if the sites were digital–only outlets. Media articles were coded on scales from zero to two (national = 0, local = 1, or website = 2). To explore whether journalists obtain their sources from police sources as literature previously finds (Wood et al., 2022), we created a code (cite police sources) to account for that information. This item was coded dichotomously as yes (1) or no (0).

News articles were also coded based on the portrayal of the victim (negative = 0, positive = 1, neutral = 2, or mixed = 3). A negative portrayal includes focusing on their mental health, or negative depictions of what they wore, previous employment in sex work, etc. A positive portrayal included positive narratives provided by community members such as “they were a great person”. Neutral portrayals discussed the facts of the case rather than the victim (e.g., the article only discussed what occurred and left out details about the victim); whereas, a mixed portrayal had both positive and negative views of the victim (e.g., included support from the community while simultaneously stating that the victim had a troubled past). News media articles were coded based on the support shown for the victim within the articles (no = 0, yes = 1, or mixed = 2). No support for the victim, i.e., the journalist made no effort to discuss what the victim was like, was coded as negative (0), support for the victim, i.e., the journalist discussed the victim in a positive way (e.g., “they were known for helping their community”), was coded as positive (1); while, mixed support (2) had both negative and positive views of the victim, i.e., the journalist included support for the victim while also condemning them for having a troubled past. Since the news media plays a significant role in shaping public perceptions and attitudes, accounting for support in these ways helps us further understand how the news media supports victims and provides a more balanced view of how these cases are reported.

To explore delegitimization, the coding criteria naming, past-tense references, misapplication of terms, and pronoun usage were adapted from Osborn (2022) who explored the news media framing of trans homicide victims. Naming is coded on three scales, birth name (0); chosen name (1); or mixed (2) using both the victim’s chosen and dead name within the article. Past-tense references and misapplications of terms were dichotomously coded as yes (1) or no (0). Past-tense references indicate the use of the victim’s assigned birth sex (e.g., stating that the victim was born male); while misapplication of terms indicates the use of incorrect terminology of the victim’s gender identity (e.g., stating that the victim was both a man and a woman). Pronoun usage was coded on a scale of zero to two (0 = incorrectly using the victim’s pronouns; 1 = correctly using the victim’s pronouns; or 2 = mixes the use of both their chosen pronouns and the incorrect pronouns). Victim blaming was also coded dichotomously (no = 0, or yes = 1). Victim blaming includes examples of stating it was the victim’s fault for their death because of where they were and what they were doing, or using their history of mental illness against them. Lastly, news and media articles were coded dichotomously as either episodic (0) or thematic (1). If there was mention of the “epidemic of violence” or the news media article was framed within a transphobic context (e.g., stated that TGNC individuals were being killed at alarming rates), that was coded as thematic whereas if the case was framed as an isolated event that was coded as episodic.

After the codebook was complete, a random subsample of four cases was selected and coded by all three authors to ensure reliability. Inter-rater reliability tests on MAXQDAFootnote 11 indicated an agreement score of 0.85, which indicates a strong level of agreement among coders (McHugh, 2012; Miles et al., 2014). Any disagreements between coders were reassessed and discussed by the research team. After discussion, the codebook was updated by the lead author, and an IRR score of 0.99 was reached.

Case Characteristics of GNC Homicide Victims

Using SPSS, a frequency count was generated for all the items. Case characteristics of victims can be seen in Table 1. Of the 17 victims whose homicides received news media coverage, most of the victims identified as gender non-conforming (53%) and non-binary (23%). Notably, most victims were Black (35%), White (35%), and Native American (18%). Ages ranged from 16 to 51, with a mean of 27. Victims were killed in 12 states across every region in the U.S. (see appendix for victim names and locations). The common cause of death was shooting (71%), where the state with the most victims was Georgia (23%). Most victims were killed in the Midwest (41%) and the South (35%).

Table 1 Case characteristics of homicide victims (N = 17)
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Results

News Media Sources

Table 2 provides descriptive statistics of the 88 articles that were analyzed. The sample comprised primarily of local news sources (58%), followed by websites (30%) and national news sources (12%). Most notable was the lack of news media attention to these cases, which is why the total number of articles analyzed in this study is not higher.

Table 2 Descriptive analysis of news articles, codes, and frames of trans victims of homicide (N = 88)
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Prior research elucidates that the use of police sources in news media reporting may contribute to the ongoing issues of delegitimization and deadnaming of trans victims of homicide (Wood et al., 2022). When analyzing cited sources by journalists, we find that most relied on statements made by the police (55%) or other criminal legal agents such as District Attorneys. However, for the cases of the GNC victims we analyzed, we find that using police sources may have a neutral effect when journalists only discuss the facts of the case. However, in instances where facts of the case were not only discussed, cites of the police usually included victim-blaming when an officer-involved shooting occurred or the use of incorrect pronoun usage or terminology when describing the victims.

Victim Portrayals

When analyzing victim portrayals by the news media, we find that most victims were neutrally (56%) and positively portrayed (31%). Articles that mostly discussed the facts of the case were coded as neutral. When journalists reported in this way, the odds of engaging in delegitimizing practices seemed to reduce drastically. While this may seem like an appropriate way to approach reporting on GNC victims of homicide, this can result in a failure to report on the unique experiences trans populations have with gender-based transphobic violence which obscures an ongoing and very serious issue.Footnote 12 When news media articles positively portrayed victims they often involved accounts from community members (friends and family) in support of the victims. For instance, family and friends made comments such as “He cared more for people than he did for himself,” “the person who helped you with your problems,” “She was a bright light,” “She was a sweet, shy, and artistic soul,” and “they were nonconformist and very, very bright.” When accounting for this inclusion of community support for the victims, approximately half of the news media articles were in support of the victims (48%). While almost half of the news media articles portrayed victims in a neutral way, 44% were found not in support of the victims. These news media articles usually included statements made by police officials or other criminal legal actors where they engaged in victim-blaming practices or provided incorrect definitions of terminology when describing the victims’ identities or appearances. Finally, a very small amount (8%) were mixed portrayals as some news media articles included positive comments made by friends and family and also included information provided by criminal legal actors about the victims’ previous engagement in things like substance abuse, engagement in sex work, and suicidal behavior.

When analyzing victim-blaming, we find that most journalists did not engage in this practice which is in contrast to existing research on other trans homicide victims. However, while the rate of victim-blaming was low (12%), what the victims were blamed for differed based on the context of the case. We find that when cases involved police officers as the perpetrators, victim-blaming was most evident in their portrayals. For instance, in the cases of Scout Schultz and Jessi Hernandez, both victims were blamed for their own deaths. Scout, who was shot by a police officer while they were responding to a mental health crisis, was portrayed as a mentally ill individual with a history of depression and suicidal behavior. Across multiple news media articles, there was a mention that Scout wanted to take their own life by provoking police officers to shoot them. When officers arrived on the scene, several officers tried to diffuse the situation but ultimately the interaction resulted in Scout’s death. Jessi, who was in a police confrontation in a stolen vehicle and was killed in an officer-involved shooting, was portrayed as a reckless driver whose life would have been spared if she would have complied with police orders. Denver District Attorney General Mitch Morrissey is quoted stating that the shooting was justifiable “in light of the manner in which she [Jessi] drove the car in close and dangerous proximity to them [the officers].” Yet, a girl who was a passenger in the car with Jessi states that the officers did not give Jessi a warning to stop or get out of the car and instead decided to shoot: “They just started shooting it all happened like under a minute” (Tseng, 2015). While both cases are different in context, spectators (friends, family, or individuals present at the scene) claimed that the police could have done more to spare the victims’ lives if they had more training on how to respond to these situations.

An additional theme was the greater support that some victims received compared to others, even when both were subject to victim-blaming. This was most evident in the aforementioned cases of Scout and Kendall Hampton. For Scout Schultz who was killed in an officer-involved shooting during a mental health crisis, positive community support was extended to the victim and their family (Aldridge, 2020; Selk, 2017; Toropin et al., 2019). In the case of Kendall Hampton who was killed outside a convenience store by a stranger, there was minimal mainstream news media reporting on their case aside from the brief local news media report simply stating they were “a prostitute”. Unlike the countless casual photos of Scout that were utilized in their reports, the photograph used in Hampton’s report was a mugshot, making it at an initial glance difficult to differentiate between them and the mugshot of their killer who was posted just below them (Romito, 2012). The notable differences between these cases was first the occupation of the victims, but mostly their race. Scout was a White student; whereas, Kendall was a Black sex worker. A possible explanation for the differences in portrayals could be that Kendall did not fit the narrative of an “ideal” victim. An ideal victim is someone who receives more public sympathy and is granted a legitimate status (Christie, 1986). Typically, an ideal victim is White, given the country’s history of associating whiteness with privilege, dominance, and legitimacy (Bell, 1995; Harris, 1993). Consequently, despite individuals of color being at higher risk of victimization than their White counterparts, individuals of color are viewed as illegitimate and denied their victimhood (Long, 2021; Slakoff & Brennen, 2019). When taking into consideration their occupations, sex workers have historically been subject to stigmatization and criminalization (Grittner & Walsh, 2020); whereas, students are often viewed in a positive light. Taking these two differences into account may explain disparities in news media coverage.

Delegitimization

When analyzing whether delegitimization occurred, we find that most victims did not change their names after coming out as GNC, etc., thus, this specific category was deemed inconclusive during the coding stage. For pronoun usage, most victims used a mix of he/they, she/they, or they/them pronouns. When journalists reported on these cases, they did not engage in delegitimization practices as they were using the victim’s pronouns, even if journalists used “she” or “he” most of the time. While naming and pronoun usage was deemed inconclusive, confusion about terminology when discussing the gender of the victims was evident. We find that in 34% of the articles, journalists made past-tense references to the victims, which on a couple of occasions included quotes from community members and the police. For instance, when reporting on Jamie Lee Wounded Arrow’s homicide, Dakota News Now included a statement made by members of the organization Sioux Falls Two-Spirit and Allies that Jamie was a member of, stating that “Wounded Arrow was born a male but had transitioned to a female”. We also find that a small number of journalists misapplied terms (6%) when discussing the victims. For instance, in the St. Augustine Report, officials were cited as saying that the case of Ellie Marie Washtock was delayed “because Washtock identified as a woman and a man” (The Record, 2019). News media reports also stated that the family said Washtock “identified as both a male and a female at different times.Footnote 13” GNC individuals are those whose gender expression differs from conventional binary expectations. This means that GNC individuals do not typically express themselves as men or women as the article suggests. Nor does it necessarily mean that the victim switches genders from one day to another. Confusion about terminology can result in increased misunderstanding of what it means to be GNC, which can affect the way individuals understand and therefore treat these individuals. Thus, it is critically important that journalists, the police, and community members be better informed when describing or discussing GNC individuals, otherwise they will be engaging in delegitimizing practices that may put GNC individuals at risk of gender-based discrimination, harassment, and violence.

Framing

Lastly, we were interested in whether journalists engage in episodic or thematic framing given the increased concerns of TGNC individuals being subject to lethal gender-based violence (HRC, 2022). We find that 91% of the news media reporting was episodic. Potential explanations could be the randomized nature of the circumstances of their death (see Table 3), such as the victims’ location of death (public vs private spaces), who they were killed by (e.g., family, acquaintances, strangers, etc.), and the manner in which they were killed (e.g., shooting, stabbing, etc., see Table 1). As can be seen in Table 3, most victims were killed in their homes (47%) or on the street (29%) and mostly by strangers (58%). Most victims (71%) died as a result of gun violence. While some cases, such as the home invasion that resulted in the death of Whispering Wind Bear Spirit and the two officer-involved shootings, may not be categorized as having transphobic elements, the rest of the cases cannot be ruled out. Others argue, and we agree, that in not framing violent fatal incidents against TGNC individuals in a thematic way, the news media minimizes and obscures patterns of transphobic behavior (Osborn, 2022).

Table 3 Circumstances of death
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Conversely, we find that 9% of articles that were framed thematically involved victims that had long hair and feminine appearances or used feminine pronouns. For instance, in the cases of Acey Morrison, Bri Golec, and Jamie Lee Wounded Arrow, there were mentions of the growing epidemic of violence being committed against TGNC individuals and where they ranked on that list. For instance, when reporting on Acey’s homicide, it was stated that she was “at least the 32nd trans or gender non-conforming person violently killed in 2022 in the U.S. and Puerto Rico.” When reporting on Jamie, she was listed as the “second transgender homicide victim of 2017.” While this was an interesting find that made the reporting on these victims unique, what was most notable was that two out of three victims were Native American. This finding is surprising given the lack of media coverage that Native American individuals typically receive relative to other races, especially when they are killed or go missing (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2018). In a study examining over 5000 reports on missing or murdered Indigenous women in 2016, it was found that over 95% of cases did not receive national or international attention (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2018). Rather, Native American individuals are often overlooked, and when there is media coverage they are delegitimized, misrepresented, and stereotyped as “savages,” and include references to alcohol and drug abuse, sex work, and criminal histories (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2018). Future research should explore this finding further.

Limitations

The current study has several limitations. First, this analysis was limited to GNC victims of homicide and as such, could not be generalized to other trans populations (i.e., trans men, trans women). Future research should do a comparative study to explore the differences in reporting between various trans populations. Second, because of misreporting by the police, journalists, and community members and the general lack of data collection at the federal and state level on trans victims (Stotzer, 2017), all homicides of GNC individuals that occurred between 2012 and 2022 may not be accounted for. Lastly, Google was the only search engine used to locate news media articles. Future research should look at how this issue is framed across other search engines and social media platforms (e.g., Twitter and Facebook) to explore this issue further. A content analysis of the public’s responses to these news media articles across social media platforms may reveal what influence, if any, these portrayals have on the public’s perceptions of these victims. Moreover, because Google results could have been updated and corrected prior to our search, we may have missed articles; thus, future research should consider using a search engine like LexisNexis which has the largest electronic database for legal and public-records-related information. Limitations aside, it is important to analyze how the news media reports on these victims of homicide. In doing so, researchers can do their part of increasing awareness of the issues affecting trans populations, such as homicide, and improve reporting so as to not further delegitimize and stigmatize these victims.

Discussion and Conclusion

In this study, we aimed to offer a broader perspective of the news media’s reporting on GNC victims of homicide. We find that most victims died as a result of gun violence and that most victims lived in the Midwest and the South. These findings demonstrate that gun violence disproportionately affects GNC populations and that these two regions are potentially dangerous places for these populations to live. These findings are in line with data that shows cisgender men and women are also disproportionately affected by gun violence as well as regional patterns of homicide (The Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence, 2019, 2022). However, while similar, GNC individuals are subject to unique forms of violence (e.g., transphobia, transmisogyny) that may put them at increased risk of homicide in these regions. Future research should do a comparison between trans and cisgender victims of homicide to explore this issue further.

When analyzing news media sources, we find that most coverage was by local news media outlets with very few victims receiving national news media attention. These findings are alarming for several reasons. First, the general lack of news media attention to cases involving GNC victims contributes to their underrepresentation in society—visibility is important in reducing stereotypes and promoting inclusivity. Second, a lack of news media attention can contribute to the marginalization and stigmatization of these individuals. By not reporting their experiences, there is potential to reinforce societal biases and misconceptions. Third, not reporting on homicide cases involving GNC individuals affects public opinion and policy–by not reporting on their cases, important policy and legal issues that affect GNC individuals may be overlooked. Thus, it is critically important to report on these homicides to increase awareness, foster empathy, contribute to public discourse, promote inclusivity, and challenge stereotypes of GNC individuals.

Our quantitative data reveal that most news media articles did not delegitimize or victim-blame. However, our mixed method data reveal that victim blaming is most likely to occur when reporting on cases of officer-involved shootings. In all cases involving police officers as perpetrators in our sample (11%), the victim’s behaviors were of focus in reports, indicating that if they had been upstanding citizens, their deaths could have been avoided. For the Jessi Hernandez case, the news media’s attention victim-blamed Jessi, a 17 year-old, rather than addressing the police violence committed against them. This was especially evident in the reporting of local news media articles where the police were cited justifying their reasoning for killing Jessi, arguing that it was their only choice.

“The Denver officers involved in the recent shooting did what they had to do to protect their lives while doing their job. Put the blame on who is responsible, and that is the thugs who commit such criminal acts, not the police.”

The news media reporting on Scout Schultz was similar. Although Scout was in the midst of a mental health crisis, the District Attorney stated that the police were justified in their shooting. In a statement, the DA provided the following:

“Though, it is difficult to make exact psychological conclusions in such matters, all of the available evidence indicates Schultz decided to take his own life by provoking police officers to shoot him.Footnote 14”

Ultimately, Scout was portrayed as a mentally ill individual with a history of suicidal behavior who chose to ignore the police and provoked them to kill them. Similarly, Jessi was portrayed as a delinquent who did not want to comply with the police, which news media reports and the police claim resulted in their death. In both cases, the police departments were sued by family members of the victims, where both families claimed the police used excessive force and called for more police training on responding to mental health crises, and advocated for the use of non-lethal weapons.

While it is unknown if victim blaming occurs in news media reports on cases involving excessive use of force by the police against TGNC individuals, research shows that the news media tend to depict certain individuals as criminals and less as victims, especially when they are an individual of color when an officer-involved shooting occurs (Cecil, 2022; Moreno-Medina et al., 2022; Reinka & Leach, 2017). News media representations of the police, whether portraying them in a positive or negative light, are important because they influence public perceptions, affect the conduct of some officers, and help discourage or encourage police misconduct. When journalists engage in victim blaming behaviors, especially when they involve TGNC victims, that reinforces negative queer criminal archetypes and stereotypes about these populations (Billard, 2016).

We recognize that journalists face challenges when gendering a victim because victims are unable to communicate their gender identity. We also recognize that the fast-paced environment of breaking news makes it difficult for journalists to fact-check and cross-reference information about these victims. As such, we suggest several strategies that journalists can adopt to engage in ethical reporting. First, journalists must be conscious of the statements they use or make when reporting on these specific cases to better support victims and their loved ones, and to not cause further harm to other TGNC individuals. During their investigations, journalists should collect information about the victims from official documents or reliable sources before speaking to friends and families. However, in many states, TGNC individuals are unable to change official documents, so journalists should also speak to friends and family of the victims to gather accurate information. To avoid making assumptions about victims, journalists should adopt LGBTQ media reporting guidelines provided by GLAAD. If news organizations do not have guidelines in place to address topics like gender identity, the GLAAD media source is an excellent resource to improve their reporting to not cause further harm to LGBTQ communities who have historically been subject to discriminatory treatment in the U.S. (Mogul et al., 2011). Lastly, it is the journalist’s responsibility to update information as it becomes available to reflect the accurate gender identity of the victim. Thus, journalists should spend additional time after a case has been reported checking for any new developments on these cases.

Another theme we observed was confusion about terminology by journalists, police, and community members when discussing the victims’ identities. While naming and pronoun usage was deemed inconclusive for the delegitimization category, over 30% of news media articles made past-tense references, and 6% misapplied terms when describing the victims, whether it was the journalists citing the police or community members, or by their own volition. When journalists, the police, or community members engage in this practice, they contribute to the delegitimization of TGNC individuals which impacts how the public perceives them (Billard, 2016). Currently, TGNC individuals are receiving significant attention from the media (news, social media) and politicians where they are being referred to as “predatory,” “pedophiles,” and “groomers.” Consequently, the U.S. is experiencing an increased introduction of anti-LGBTQ legislation (491 bills, 77 of which have passed) with most targeting the rights and safety of trans adults and youths which has led to an increase in harassment against these populations in public and private spaces (ACLU, 2023; Astor, 2023). For these reasons, it is crucial that journalists, the police, and community members be better informed on TGNC identities so they are more aware of the language they use when describing these victims so as to not delegitimize them further and to reduce the risk of victimization due to these stigmatizing narratives. Ultimately, it is the responsibility of all parties involved to report on these victims accurately and legitimately. Given that the mass media can influence societal attitudes and public opinion (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007), it is critically important that journalists ensure the information they gather about these victims is accurate. Again, the GLAAD media reference guide is a valuable resource in this regard. Regarding the police, it is critically important that they work side by side with LGBTQ advocacy organizations when reporting on these victims so as to not cause further harm and exacerbate negative stereotypes about TGNC individuals. It is as simple as reaching out to these organizations, forming partnerships, and asking for assistance when a potential TGNC victim is found.

Lastly, we observe that most reporting was episodic. In light of reports postulating that there is an increase in violence being committed against TGNC individuals (HRC, 2022), this can have some serious consequences. Most notably, episodic framing fails to situate violent fatal incidents against TGNC individuals which (1) minimizes and obscures patterns of transphobic behavior that may foster the impression that these types of homicides are isolated occurrences, (2) hinders a more inclusive and accepting society by not critically examining and challenging stigma and stereotypes, and (3) fails to educate society about the challenges TGNC individuals face and the impact of that violence. While we understand that not all deaths of TGNC individuals are the result of transphobic violence, their identities are nevertheless relevant and their homicides should at the very least be reported by local news media outlets. It is essential to promote dialog that challenges transphobic violence so that we may collectively work toward preventing this violence and creating more inclusive environments for all.