Introduction

Socio-cultural constructions of motherhood have traditionally framed a good mother as being ‘guided by natural feminine instincts that confer an angelic temperament and make them instantly loving towards their infants’ (Barnett, 2006, p. 411). A bad mother will violate these maternal expectations and may cause harm to their children (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002). As noted by Adams (2014, p. 13) this ‘is one of those rare, mutual assumptions shared by scientists and poets alike.’ No act challenges the good mother narrative more than filicide (Goc, 2009; McCluskey, 2019). Mothers who murder their children are typically perceived, by the news media, criminal justice system and the wider community, as psychologically disturbed, unwell, and/or lacking in cardinal traits of femininity and womanhood (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002; Collosso & Buchanan, 2018; Goc, 2009; Milne, 2021; Rapaport, 2006; Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017). Gender role norms are encapsulated within social expectations founded upon, and reinforced by, stereotypical feminine and masculine ideals (Pulerwitz & Barker, 2008; Wiest & Duffy, 2013). Women who deviate from feminine norms can be perceived and constructed as “mad” or “bad”. The depiction of women as incapable or failing, if they deviate from traditional or expected roles of femininity, has also been referred to as the ‘flawed mother’ trope (Barnett, 2006; McCluskey, 2019). For fathers who murder their children, community and legal responses are more likely to be viewed through a lens of traditional patriarchal masculinity (Little & Tyson, 2017; McCluskey, 2019; Nikunen, 2006; Wiest & Duffy, 2013). Community reactions and responses can be moderated by and situated within a father’s perceived value as a provider, by previous good works in the community, or by an assumption that the act must be a reaction to one or more external influences (Cavaglion, 2009; Little, 2015; Nikunen, 2006). Despite the evolution of social and behavioural norms, gendered expectations continue to prevail particularly within a key source of socio-cultural information: the news media.

The news media often relies on gendered or stereotypical depictions of behaviours to draw the attention of the readership (Naylor, 2001). The ‘bad’ or ‘flawed’ mother typically garners significant news media attention (Barnett, 2006; Collosso & Buchanan, 2018; Goc, 2009; McCluskey, 2019). Collosso and Buchanan (2018) examined forty print media articles reporting two maternal and two paternal filicide cases in the United States (US). The study revealed a strong predilection towards the maternal filicide cases, with both more highly represented within the sample. Goc (2009, p. 43) drew from the Medea myth - the narrative of a mother viciously murdering her children - and reflected upon the persistence of the representation of maternal filicide perpetrators as the ‘wicked witch’ within news media coverage, often regardless of significant external or other factors that may have influenced the murder (Barnett, 2006; Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002; Easteal et al., 2015). The ‘flawed mother’ narrative is also evident in news media reporting of paternal filicide through inversions of blame, irrespective of demonstrable culpability, factual or legal guilt. The interplay between perceived acts of commission and omission can lead to a mother being framed as precipitating a father’s act of murder, or enabling it by failing to fulfil the expectations and obligations of her maternal role (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002).

Review of literature

Role theory and social control

‘All social groups make rules and attempt, at some times and under some circumstances, to enforce them’ (Becker, 1963, p. 10). Becker’s (1963) role theory posited a set of societal rules governing what is considered ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ and described how individuals who contravene these rules may be labelled by the community as ‘outsiders.’ Previously non-stigmatised individuals may find themselves stigmatised and outcast for violating established and expected roles assigned by their social group (Bosson et al., 2005). Varying levels of ‘outsider’ indicate the severity of a violation, with extreme criminal acts, such as murder, causing a person to be labelled a ‘true outsider’ (Becker, 1963, p. 11). Within this model, the murder of a child invokes the harshest response from the community. A murder committed by the child’s parent further heightens the social role violation and can then be conflated with gendered expectations of right and wrong. In this way, role theory can assist in explaining responses invoked from within a community when a filicide occurs.

A deviation from ‘acceptable’ gendered behaviour has been identified as a perceived threat to social structures that could encourage negative labels and perpetuate the stigmatisation of men and women who offend (McCluskey, 2019; Noh et al., 2010; Stangle, 2008). Stangle (2008) and Milne (2020) acknowledge that the ideals of traditional mothers and femininity are often linked in patriarchal societies. The dominance of this perception is demonstrated through ‘discussion of violent women often focus[ing] heavily on what it means to be female, and the criminal act in question fades into the background’ (Stangle, 2008, p. 707). Wiest and Duffy (2013, p. 348) note that ‘mothers who commit violence are seen as either the antithesis of a typical woman (i.e. evil) or their violent behaviours are explained away by the notion that they are ‘out of their minds’ (i.e. insane).’ Perceived contraventions of societal rules can lead to a range of social sanctions, including gossip, mockery, or scolding – a response termed social control (Brauer & Chekroun, 2005). These reactions typically frame individuals as abnormal and illicit a response from the community that is both disapproving and shaming, to discourage further non-conforming behaviour (Wiest & Duffy, 2013, p. 348). Role theory and social control theory can both inform public reactions, particularly when behavioural transgressions are perceived and/or reported.

News media as a cultural informant

The analysis undertaken for this paper relates to the print news media. Mass communication news media focuses on delivering topical information and opinion to the general public, generally within a social, cultural and/or political framework (van Dijk, 1995). The importance of understanding the framing used by news media when reporting on criminal offences, such as filicide, is highlighted within literature addressing the wider influence of media reporting. Narratives created or maintained by news media can influence public perceptions, attitudes and expectations (Easteal et al., 2015; Orthwein et al., 2010) and, in turn, can affect the operation of key public institutions, including the criminal justice system. Little and Tyson (2017, p. 4) suggest that media portrayals of offenders can result in ‘trial by media’ as individuals can be ‘…tried and [metaphorically] sentenced in the court of public opinion’. Through their choice of what is covered (and not covered) and how key information is conveyed, the news media has the potential to influence the community generally, and those who have a role in the investigation and resolution of criminal behaviours, including prospective jurors, judicial officers, and law enforcement personnel (Easteal et al., 2015; Orthwein et al., 2010). This influence can be heavily informed by gendered expectations that are evident within news media reporting (Barnett, 2006; Eisenwort et al., 2021; Goc, 2009). Buiten and Coe (2022) suggest that the way in which issues are reported can evidence the type of discourses that are available when attempting to understand behaviours, such as filicide. Kenix (2011, p. 44) comments on the problematic ways in which the media often conceptualise women and motherhood in cases of filicide: where ‘mass media construct powerful images of reality for the public, who then contextualise these narratives against their own pre-existing schema’ and form ideas around events based on their media portrayal. Collins (2014, p. 297) notes that ‘the images and discourse used throughout media outlets provides a framework with which its consumers may construct representations of the world in which they live.’ Berrington and Honkatukia (2002, p. 50) further posit that a significant danger lies in the ‘impression of events rather than an accurate, objective, factual record of what took place.’

The ‘flawed mother’

Being a ‘good mother’ persists as a cultural ideal of femininity, and is typically associated with traits such as empathy and instinctual nurturing (Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017, p. 345). Motherhood myths blur the identities of ‘mother’ and ‘woman’, insisting that ‘no woman is truly complete or fulfilled unless she has kids’ and that ‘to be a woman is to be a mother; motherhood and mothering is natural, universal and unchanging for all women’ (Milne, 2017, p. 18). Women who are violent towards their children are perceived as violating the acceptable ‘good mother’ norm. McCluskey (2019, p. 48) referred to the perceived deviancy of such women as the ‘flawed mother’ narrative. In line with social control responses, women may be viewed with suspicion or perceived to be psychologically damaged, abnormal or deviant (Shelton et al., 2010, p. 815). Wilcyzynski (1997, p. 426) contends that the categorising of filicidal women as mentally disturbed enables the community to accommodate the cultural ideal and expectation of women as natural born mothers. When women kill their children, community responses, associated discourse and prosecutorial focus can amplify a perceived ‘lack of womanhood’ and underlying deviance, in addition to the alleged criminal act of homicide (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002; Milne, 2021). Milne (2021, p. 2) notes that there is an inherent desire to criminalise maternal offenders and ‘sanction them for their failure as mothers.’ Filicide profoundly violates acceptable gender roles, and perpetrators can be perceived by society as ‘true outsiders’ (Becker, 1963, p. 221).

Wiest and Duffy (2013) examined the sentencing of 53 female and 28 male filicide offenders in the US and investigated the influence of gender role characteristics and any explicit recognition of mental health concerns. Despite similar rates of diagnoses (43% for mothers and 36% for fathers), female filicide offenders were more likely to be sentenced to a mental health facility (nearly one-third of mothers but only one father). A perceived lack of compliance with traditional expectations of motherhood correlated with prosecutorial assertions of poor mental health, and the sentencing outcomes reflected this. In another US study, which provided 214 college students (as potential jurors) with filicide scenarios, Ferguson et al. (2008) reported that claims of mental illness in male and female filicide offenders were believed to a similar extent, and female filicide offenders were found to be as culpable as male offenders. The lack of positive bias towards women committing violence against children, the authors suggest, reflected participant perceptions of deviance - specifically where expectations of motherhood have not been met. The ‘flawed mother’ trope is frequently seen in studies investigating community responses to filicide offences and the sentencing of filicide offenders (Naylor, 2001; Orthwein et al., 2010; Wiest & Duffy, 2013; Wilcyzynski, 1997), and is prevalent within news media coverage of filicide offenders (Barnett, 2005b; Easteal et al., 2015; Goc, 2009; Naylor, 2001).

Media coverage of filicide offenders and the ‘flawed mother’ myth

Journalists often rely on prevailing myths and cultural stereotypes to explain challenging events, such as filicide, to their readership (Eisenwort et al., 2021; Naylor, 2001). As Barnett (2005a, p. 8) noted ‘myth becomes a means to simplify complex information, reinforce cultural values and norms, and offer explanations for events that seem baffling or troublesome’. In the news media, Little and Tyson (2017, p. 10) argue that a ‘populist discursive paradigm of mental illness’ is a common technique used by reporters to help to translate otherwise incomprehensible events (Buiten & Coe, 2022; Little & Tyson, 2017). Chesney-Lind and Eliason (2016, p. 43) comment on the tendency of media to ‘masculinise and demonise… women, effectively casting them out of the ‘protected’ sphere of femininity, while celebrating the presumed passivity of the rest of womanhood.’ News media representations of parents who kill their children can reflect and reinforce gendered narratives, to the detriment of factual depictions of events (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002, p. 50). In a 2015 analysis of literature examining the media reporting of maternal filicide offenders in the US and Canada, Easteal et al. (2015) found that women are likely to be framed around concepts of femininity and what it means to be a ‘good’ or ‘bad’ mother. This study builds upon Meyer et al. (2001) who found that the media portrayal of maternal filicide typically casts the act as a ‘manifestation of illness or a manifestation of evil’. Even in cases where responsibility is not directly attributable to the woman, ‘mother blame’ is a common occurrence. In an examination of the news coverage of the 2007 disappearance of Madeleine McCann in Portugal and Azaria Chamberlain’s death in Australia in 1980, Goc (2009) concluded that the news media turns mothers into monsters if they are perceived to have transgressed the expectations of motherhood assigned to them: which are then reinforced by the community, explicitly or otherwise. In both examples, the mothers were publicly condemned for failing to keep their children safe - a key part of their maternal duty – and the presence of both fathers was largely ignored (Goc, 2009, p. 34). The behaviours exhibited by the mothers in the aftermath of both incidents exacerbated negative public perceptions. Specifically, the stoicism displayed by both women, evidenced by not breaking down or weeping in public, was regarded and presented as ‘inappropriate’. Goc (2009) compares these responses to those for Patsy Ramsey, whose six-year-old daughter JonBenet Ramsey was found dead at home in Colorado in 1996. Patsy’s emotional response was criticised as being too overt. For these women, they were ‘damned if they did and damned if they didn’t’ (Goc, 2009, p. 35).

In a thematic analysis of online articles relating to infanticide, published by a Portuguese newspaper between 2003 and 2013, Saavedra and de Oliveira (2017) observed two different types of ‘mad and bad’ mothers: a ‘fragile mother’ and a ‘perverse mother’- with only the former deserving of sympathy. The fragile mother is described in the study as struggling with poverty, mental disability, as very young and/or overwhelmed by parenthood – her social or psychological situation is used as a basis to explain or excuse her offending. The perverse mother is more likely to be married, be accused of sexual and/or maternal behaviour that is regarded as inappropriate, and/or perceived to have murdered their child in particularly appalling conditions. Cavaglion (2008) examined six cases of filicide in Israel which occurred between 1992 and 2001. Maternal filicides were described as a ‘vertical tie’; in that the crime was committed against the child, with the intent to harm the child. Cavaglion (2008) identified a tendency of the news media to interpret the facial expressions of maternal offenders as ‘mad’ or ‘sad’ – indicative of either insanity or genuine pain. The actions of fathers who kill their children were typically explained in relation to a drive or desire to punish their female partner. This was positioned by Cavaglion as a ‘horizontal tie’ between the father and the child - where the act committed against the child is regarded as a proxy for an act against the mother. Little (2015) examined the media coverage of three high-profile paternal filicide cases in Australia, which occurred between 2010 and 2014. The study found that mental illness was commonly used as a framing device, which emphasised an absence of rational thinking on the part of male offenders. This is one of the few Australian studies to explore associations between mental illness and media portrayals of filicide offenders.

In a qualitative analysis of 250 US news articles, Barnett (2006) describes the use of the ‘flawed mother’ narrative. Filicidal women were positioned either as ‘superior nurturers’ who buckled beneath insanity, or ‘inferior caretakers’ who were incapable of completing their maternal duties. Journalists relied frequently on superior/inferior categorisations: with the former regarded as more ‘normal’ and less unacceptable than the latter, which represented an inability to properly perform key mothering tasks. In this way, the narrative of the ‘flawed mother’ reflects the gendered assumptions underlying expectations of motherhood – that capable women are naturally capable mothers. McCluskey’s (2019) study of the media framing of four well-known cases of filicide in the US corroborates Barnett’s findings. The ‘flawed mother’ narrative was identified through coding associations with motherhood and gender, and the conflation of mother with female. The two maternal filicide offenders in the study were depicted as flawed mothers, who failed to care for or protect their children.

Mental health in male and female filicide offenders

Studies have reported medical diagnoses of underlying mental or psychological disorders in both maternal and paternal filicide cases, but have identified a higher prevalence in female offenders (Flynn et al., 2011, 2013; Holden et al., 1996; Léveillée et al., 2007; Stanton & Simpson, 2002). Resnick (1969) described several motives for maternal filicide that align with poor mental health: altruism (believing a child’s death is in their best interest); acute psychosis (having no comprehensible motive for their actions); fatal maltreatment (accidental death from abuse or neglect); and unwanted child or spousal revenge. Liem and Koenraadt (2008) found that fathers are more likely to murder older children, whereas mothers are responsible for more filicides against younger children. It is theorised that post-natal depression may be a contributing factor, as this finding is consistent across several studies, including Palermo (2002), Stanton and Simpson (2002), and Eriksson et al. (2016).

Mothers who are diagnosed with suicidal ideation are more likely to kill more of their children than mothers with no suicidal intentions (Alder & Polk, 2001; Friedman et al., 2008; Meyer et al., 2001). The act of committing suicide following a filicide offence can be interpreted as a sign of underlying mental health issues, but it is unclear if suicide is a more likely outcome for male or female offenders. Several studies have indicated that a higher percentage of men attempt or successfully commit suicide following a filicide (Marleau et al., 1999; Putkonen et al., 2011; West et al., 2009), while others found that filicidal acts committed by women are more often followed by suicide (Cooper & Eaves, 1996; Holden et al., 1996; Krischer et al., 2007). Léveillée et al. (2007) offer a more nuanced perspective: that a higher percentage of female offenders commit suicide following filicide, while male offenders are more likely to commit suicide following familicide. For both male and female offenders, suicide is more frequent following the murder of genetic children and is less likely in cases of filicide against stepchildren, foster children or adopted children (Daly & Wilson, 1988; Léveillée et al., 2007; Wilson et al., 1995).

Filicidal intentions have been recognised as a significant risk for mothers struggling with poor mental health, particularly those experiencing depression before and/or during the postpartum period (Chandra et al., 2002; Friedman et al., 2005; Jennings et al., 1999). Female filicide offenders are diagnosed more frequently than male filicide offenders as being within the schizophrenic or affective spectrums, including psychosis, schizoaffective disorders, bipolar or depressive disorders (Eriksson et al., 2016; Krischer et al., 2007; Léveillée et al., 2007; Liem & Koenraadt, 2008; Palermo, 2002). McKee and Bramante (2010) reviewed the records of 80 female filicide offenders in Italy who attempted or successfully killed their children, between 1967 and 2003. Mothers diagnosed with severe mental illnesses, such as psychosis, were often older than those with less serious disorders, such as depression. Krischer et al. (2007) examined a sample of 57 female filicide offenders who were admitted to the Mid-Hudson Forensic Psychiatric Hospital in New York between 1976 and 2000 and observed a high prevalence of diagnoses within the schizophrenic spectrum (63%). Conversely, Flynn et al. (2013) examined the psychiatric reports of 297 filicide offenders (195 male offenders and 102 female offenders) in England and Wales from 1997 to 2006 and found the most common diagnoses for female offenders were within the affective spectrum (53%).

Studies investigating mental health issues in male offenders have reported diagnoses of depressive and bipolar disorders with psychotic symptoms in less than half of offenders examined (Campion et al., 1988; Léveillée et al., 2007; Marleau et al., 1999). More frequent diagnoses have included personality disorders, such as narcissistic or antisocial conditions (Campion et al., 1988; Léveillée et al., 2007; Marleau et al., 1999). Overall, reported mental health issues for male offenders are significantly lower than for females in cases of filicide. Flynn et al. (2011) suggest that this difference could be accounted for by the prevalence of mental disorders in mothers following birth, such as post-natal depression. This could contribute to a generally higher level of recognition of mental illness in women than in men.

There are notable differences in community perceptions and news media portrayals of paternal and maternal filicide offenders. Drawing from previous research into filicide and news media coverage of offenders (Barnett, 2005a, b, 2006; Cavaglion, 2008; Eisenwort et al., 2021; McCluskey, 2019; Nikunen, 2006; Razali et al., 2016; Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017; Wright & Washington, 2018), this paper examines the presence and portrayal of mental health issues in relation to news media coverage of male and female offenders, and the use of the ‘flawed mother’ trope in the news media framing of filicide in an Australian context. The ‘good mother/flawed mother’ discourse underpins this study and provides a framework for the analysis. While it is acknowledged that much of literature uses the term ‘bad mother’, this study adopts the term ‘flawed mother,’ as discussed by Barnett (2006) and McCluskey (2019), as it more fully encompasses the intersection of woman and mother. Flawed mothers are not just bad women – they are incapable women. As McCluskey (2019, p. 55) expresses, ‘…constructing mothers as “flawed” also removes agency, as they are incapable of doing the one thing that is expected – caretaking.’

Research method

Procedure

The study scope comprises Australian filicide cases that occurred between 2004 and 2021. Following Google searches using the phrases ‘filicide cases Australia’ and ‘Australian filicide’, ‘parents murdering children Australia’ ‘child victims Australia’ and ‘murdered children’, the final sample comprised 20 cases: with 11 male offenders and nine female offenders.Footnote 1 The sample is summarised within Supplementary Table 1. Of the 11 paternal filicide cases in the final sample, three of these were familicide cases. It is recognised that this convenience sample constitutes a small proportion of the total number of filicides recorded in Australia during the period. For example, Brown et al. (2019) identified 238 incidents in Australia between 2004 and 2012. However, this study focuses on the media coverage of cases that are in the public domain. The sampling approach is comparable to that used in other studies (Barnett, 2005a, 2006; Easteal et al., 2015; Razali et al., 2016; Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017).

Three Australian newspapers were selected, all of which are publicly accessible via the online repository ‘Newsbank’. The newspapers reflect a range of political affiliations, geographical scope and publisher (the duopoly of news within Australia, under the NewsCorp and Fairfax banners, limited the possible range). The choice of newspapers sought to ensure a breadth of overall coverage, but no comparative analysis has been undertaken by newspaper, publisher, or political alignment. Table 1 summarises the newspapers selected.

Table 1 Newspapers selected for analysis (source: Media Bias/Fact Check 2021)
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Where possible, two articles were chosen from each newspaper for each filicide case. Media articles are more likely to reflect cultural norms and narratives in the early stages of reporting, drawing from and connecting ‘framing devices in a news story with cultural phenomena because they are already familiar with them’ (Van Gorp, 2007, p. 63). As a case progresses journalists are more likely to rely on more official sources (Barnett, 2006). To provide meaningful analysis of culturally embedded framing in news media, and to mitigate sampling bias, the first two articles published after a suspected offender was named were selected. In some cases, the articles were published years after the date of the incident; due to the time taken for the offender to be recognised as a suspect, or for reporting restrictions to be removed. As not all cases generated two reports the number of articles analysed was 103: 44 articles for female offenders and 59 articles for male offenders. One maternal case yielded no articles from the selected newspapers, so was not included in the final analysis, bringing the total number of female offenders to eight.

Analysis

The study utilised qualitative media analysis (QMA) (Brennen, 2012; Neuendorf, 2017; Riffe et al., 2019) to explore whether and how the articles portrayed the mental health of the offender, and the presence and use of the ‘flawed mother’ trope. The specific language used was examined to identify how each offender was framed. Media framing reflects the way news stories are constructed, through which particular facets of an event or individual may be downplayed or emphasised (Wright & Washington, 2018, p. 351). QMA helps to examine and understand how media framing enhances specific discourses and themes, and whether/how these reflect particular social ideologies (Riffe et al., 2019). Both manifest and latent content have been examined in this study. Neuendorf (2017) describes manifest content as present and countable elements within the text being analysed, and latent content as the structural meaning behind these elements. This study examined manifest content within the 103 news articles, and latent content through an interpretation of offender framing within the articles. Photographs have not been included, as Newsbank only records text. Specific quotes have been extracted and are included with the Results to illustrate the narrative framing.

The QMA applied a grounded theory approach, with each article analysed line-by-line and the content coded according to the following key themes: social roles; the ‘flawed mother’ narrative; and reference to mental health issues. The coded text was analysed within these key themes, and a coding sheet completed. The coded data was divided into three categories: demographics, article characteristics, and offender characteristics. Analysis was then undertaken within R Studio, to compare multiple variables using frequency of occurrence. Due to the uneven distribution of articles between male and female offenders, analysis examined and compared specific male and female subsets.

Mental health issues were coded as present or absent. This informed examination of the prevalence of mental health in the framing of maternal and paternal filicide. Mental health issues were coded as referenced where articles included a statement that either implied or commented on the possible presence of mental health issues, or directly stated that mental health issues were present. This could include an actual diagnosis, a suspected diagnosis, or comments that referred to an offender’s perceived mental state. Articles that were coded as no reference for mental health might still include discussion of external problems, such as financial or family issues, but did not refer to the internal/emotional state of the offender. If mental issues were present, the tone of the portrayal was then coded as sympathetic, critical, or neutral. A sympathetic tone empathised with the offender, typically acknowledging their suffering due to poor mental health. A critical tone cast the offender as abnormal or an outsider and used mental health framing to attribute blame. A neutral tone referred to the presence of mental health issues without any discernible judgement.

To examine the presence and use of the ‘flawed mother’ trope, article tone with respect to the offender, any mention or suggestion of the offender’s parental role, reference to mental health and attribution of blame were analysed. A woman will often be identified by her parental role, which highlights the intersection of woman and mother (Barnett, 2006; Milne, 2017) and flawed mothers can be further stereotyped with underlying mental disorders, and presented as unbalanced or unstable (Collosso & Buchanan, 2018; Liem & Koenraadt, 2008; Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017). Mother blame can also be embedded within filicide cases perpetrated by fathers, who are often considered to be motivated by retaliation against their female partner (Cavaglion, 2009; Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017). Offender tone was coded as critical, sympathetic, or factual. A critical tone described the offender in a negative sense and focused on factors such as their cruelty (before or as part of the filicide), and/or deviancy. A sympathetic tone presented the offender as struggling with their social conditions, suffering because of their crime, and/or may soften their portrayal by suggesting their love or care for their victim/s. A factual tone relayed the relevant offender details in a largely objective manner. The offender’s parental role was coded as mother or father only when offenders were directly referred to as such. Attribution of blame was coded as environment, partner, or offender. Attribution of blame to the environment was determined through statements that shifted fault to external stressors such as employment, finances, and/or social isolation. Attribution of blame to the partner was determined by the presence of statements that shifted responsibility to the offender’s partner, either directly or implicitly, even though the partner did not commit the crime. Attribution of blame to the offender was determined through identification of the offender as specifically responsible for the crime. It is acknowledged that there can be multiple frames present in one news article. As much of the coding was relatively binary, this did not present a notable issue for this study. The majority of the articles had a clear, dominant frame: in the few cases where multiple frames were present, the dominant frame was coded. An example of this would be a news article which is largely critical of the offender, but which includes one sympathetic quote from a family member.

A number of limitations are acknowledged. As the study does not include all filicides which occurred between 2004 and 2021, the sample is not representative, and the results cannot be extrapolated more broadly. Sampling two articles per case allowed for a broader scope within the resourcing restrictions for the study. A larger sample would enable a more in-depth analysis. The simplicity of the coding limited more detailed analysis of interrelationships between variables, but supported a thorough examination of multiple variables to explore the key themes. As it was not possible to locate two articles from each newspaper for all the cases, the articles were not evenly distributed across the cases and did not allow for a longitudinal analysis. Only a small number of cases involved familicide and, as a result, this was not included as a separate variable.

QMA is based upon researcher interpretation, and the analysis may differ between individual researchers (Neuendorf, 2017, p. 2). The use of coding procedures to produce a guiding structure helps to mitigate personal subjectivity but cannot eradicate it. In this case, a single researcher undertook all of the analysis to increase coding reliability. As the terms male and female are used in a purely binary sense, this may exclude individuals who do not fit within this framework. The nature of media reporting over the timeframe examined was inherently binary, and it is not expected that this has had a significant impact on the study. An attempt was made to determine statistical significance with respect to the inter-relationship between variables. However, differences in the number of articles for male and female offenders meant that the tests were flagged by R Studio as unreliable. As noted by Brennen (2012, p. 21), evidence gathered in qualitative analysis may still be considered significant even if it cannot be demonstrated statistically.

Results and discussion

The findings are set out and discussed according to the primary variables examined. They are presented as a series of tables and figures, each with a brief supporting narrative. Where relevant, example quotes have been extracted from the articles to illustrate key findings. All percentages have been rounded to the nearest whole number and, as a result, may not add up to 100%.

Table 2 Cases (n = 20) and articles (n = 103) by newspaper and offender sex
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Table 2 summarises the number of cases in the sample and number of articles broken down by newspaper, by offender sex. The full list of articles are included within Supplementary Table 2.

Article tone in relation to offender

Article tone was coded as being critical, factual, or sympathetic with respect to the offender. Examples from articles coded as critical included:

But Sharpe was a master charlatan having killed both ruthlessly with a speargun. (Hodgson & Hunt, 2005)

Get pissed she did. Almost daily. When she wasn’t on speed or smoking weed. Or all of the above. (Penberthy, 2014)

John Edwards embodies everything anyone could possibly mean when they decry “toxic masculinity” but, really, he simply was an evil human being. (Devine, 2018)

Examples from articles coded as sympathetic included:

Farquharson, 38, a man of previous good character, who was said to have dearly loved the children he killed, will spend the rest of his life in jail for their murders. (Kissane, 2007b)

…she was a good mother who tried her best for her children under impossible circumstances. (Baker, 2007a)

He was a wonderful fellow who loved his children. It is very, very tragic. (Rout et al., 2009)

Examples from articles coded as factual included:

John Myles Shape, 37, murdered 41-year-old Anna Kemp with two shots to the head as she slept on March 23, according to a summary of evidence handed to Melbourne Magistrates Court. (AAP, 2004)

Sharpe is accused of killing his wife as she lay sleeping in their Prince St home on March 23 and burying her body in a makeshift grave in their garden until he killed Gracie four days later. (Hunt, 2004)

Akon Guode’s three youngest children, 16-month-old Bol, and four-year-old twins Hanger and Madit died after she drove the car into Lake Gladman in Wyndham Vale on April 8, 2015. (Sydney Morning Herald, 2017)

Table 3 summarises the articles by article tone, and by offender sex. Figure 1 compares the frequency of occurrence for type of article tone between offender sex subsets.

Table 3 Articles by offender sex and article tone: total and percentage of subset total
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Fig. 1
figure 1

Frequency of occurrence of article tone in female/male subsets

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The prevalence of a factual tone for female and male offenders, and the higher level of a sympathetic tone for female offenders does not reflect key literature that reports female filicide offenders as being regarded more critically (Easteal et al., 2015; McCluskey, 2019; Nikunen, 2006). This also does not align with the premise behind the flawed mother narrative – that women who fail as a mother will be viewed critically for failing to adhere to acceptable feminine standards (Barnett, 2006; McCluskey, 2019). However, the findings do align more closely with a study by Saavedra and de Oliveira (2017) which reported more sympathy towards female filicide offenders who were viewed as ‘fragile mothers’ due to their social conditions, age, mental ability or other mitigating factors. Similarly, Cavaglion (2008) reported that female filicide offenders were viewed as ‘sad’ in cases where they were seen to be suffering because of their crime and, in these cases, were treated with more sympathy by the news media. For male offenders, the factual tone noted in this study is more consistent with previous research. Masculinity is often linked to aggressive behaviour, which persists as a cultural expectation for men (Wiest & Duffy, 2013). Previous studies have found that cases of male perpetrated filicide are met with more acceptance of the behaviour - as violence is regarded as being more typical for men and is not so readily critiqued as being inherently deviant (Cavaglion, 2008; McCluskey, 2019; Nikunen, 2006).

Analysis of parental role in articles

The articles were examined to identify the presence of any references to the offender’s parental role as a mother or father. Examples of article text included:

…the murderous intention of the 38-year-old father… (Rout & AAP, 2007).

Dean’s mother, Rachel Pfitzner, 26, of nearby Rosemeadow, is in custody, charged with his murder. (Baker, 2007a)

The devastated mother of two young girls allegedly slain by their father in an Easter tragedy says they will be “forever missed, loved, and never forgotten”. (Cavanagh & Hamblin, 2014)

Table 4 summarises the articles that reference the offender’s parental role, by offender sex. Figure 2 compares the frequency of occurrence of reference to parental role between offender sex subsets.

Table 4 Reference to parental role by offender sex: total and percentage of subset total
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Fig. 2
figure 2

Frequency of occurrence of reference to parental role in female/male subsets

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Articles were more likely to use parental role to describe female offenders (82%) compared with male offenders (56%), which is consistent with the flawed mother narrative and findings from two previous studies (Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017; Wiest & Duffy, 2013). Both of these studies highlight the prevalence of maternal descriptors for female filicide offenders, linked to gendered expectations, and the intersection of mother and woman embodied in flawed mother. Wiest and Duffy (2013) note that men are not expected to have the same level of emotional bond with their children as mothers, and fatherhood is not a key focus in gendered expectations of men.

Analysis of mental health issues in articles

Articles were coded for the presence or absence of reference to mental health issues in relation to the offender. Table 5 summarises the articles that reference offender mental health issues, by offender sex. Figure 3 compares the frequency of occurrence of reference to mental health issues between offender sex subsets.

Table 5 Reference to mental health issues by offender sex: total and percentage of subset total
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Fig. 3
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Frequency of occurrence of reference to mental health issues in female/male subsets

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Offender mental health is noted in a higher proportion of articles reporting female offenders (43%) compared with males (29%). The 36 articles which mentioned mental health issues (17 for male offenders, 19 for female offenders) were coded according to their tone: critical, neutral or sympathetic. Examples of text referencing mental health issues with a critical tone included:

…they’d seen enough of Anderson at training and at games to be wary. “He had something wrong with him,” said one. “He was not right.” (Grand & Baxendale, 2014).

Those who knew Mr. Edwards have described him as a strange man; one who was anti-social, harsh to his children and even violent towards his son. (Cormack & Rawsthorne, 2018)

Police investigators have told The Australian a clear personality profile is emerging of a man who is extremely narcissistic and believed his 13-year-old daughter Jennifer and his 15-year-old son Jack could not live without him. (Cornwall, 2018)

Examples of text referencing mental health issues with a sympathetic tone included:

…anxiety, mood swings, paranoid feelings, sleeplessness, dwelling on things, teary, emotional, ups and downs, no interest or motivation, tiredness, being stressed, irritable and finding it hard to cope with his children. (Kissane, 2007a)

Rosie Batty, who has spoken with incredible courage and compassion, said her estranged partner was a man who loved his son, but had battled an undiagnosed mental illness for two decades. (Green & Wright, 2014)

Dr Sullivan told the court a retrospective analysis of the woman’s mental state showed it declined in between Bol’s traumatic birth - in which Guode lost a lot of blood - and the children’s deaths. But it was in Australia, he said, that Guode was “on the brink of utter destitution” trying to cope with financial problems, social isolation and caring for seven children, and had “internalised” her problems. (Courts, 2017)

Examples of text from articles referencing mental health issues with a neutral tone included:

Yesterday afternoon, the Melbourne Magistrates Court was told a doctor had found him unfit for interview and was concerned he was suicidal. (Petrie et al., 2009)

A man accused of throwing his daughter off the West Gate Bridge in Melbourne was not in a fit psychiatric state to face court yesterday. (Dunn & Johnston, 2009)

The 39 year old boilermaker had shown signs of depression and said he was struggling with family matters. (Michael, 2015)

Table 6 summarises the 36 articles by mental health tone, for male and female offenders. Figure 4 compares the frequency of occurrence for type of mental health tone between offender sex subsets.

Table 6 Articles referencing mental health issues by tone and offender sex: total and percentage of subset
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Fig. 4
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Frequency of occurrence for type of mental health tone in female/male subsets

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There was a higher prevalence of references to mental health issues for female offenders, but the difference was not as notable as reported in previous literature (Krischer et al., 2007; Léveillée et al., 2007; Palermo, 2002). In the current study, male mental health issues were more likely than female mental health issues to be discussed in a sympathetic tone (41% and 21% respectively). This also differs from previous research, which has found female offenders (as opposed to male offenders) were more often afforded sympathy when they presented with mental health issues (Cavaglion, 2008; Saavedra & de Oliveira, 2017). Little (2015) reported that mental illness in male filicide offenders is a prevalent framing device used to criticise a male offender’s lack of rationality. However, this study found only a limited occurrence of critical tone regarding male mental health. The flawed mother narrative suggests that there will typically be a higher prevalence of mental health references in cases of maternal filicide, which contributes to the critical perception of failed mothers.

Analysis of attribution of blame

Articles were analysed to discern where blame for the offence was attributed to the offender, the environment or the offender’s partner. Examples of text attributing blame to the offender included:

A murder charge – over your own child’s death – will do that to you. “An evil, mother f—ing bitch,”… (Howden & Ralston, 2011).

Polkinghorne told one of her friends that when she was pissed she would lose interest and rest the bottle against the child’s mouth, hoping that she would drink the milk, which didn’t really work. But you know, whatever. (Penberthy, 2014)

It was no accident… “He just kept on beating him with a cricket bat and then he died…” (Grand & Baxendale, 2014).

Examples of text attributing blame to the environment included:

…she was a good mother who tried her best for her children under impossible circumstances. (Baker, 2007a)

The deterioration saw Anderson going from someone who could brush off losing a job to being unemployable and at times, homeless. (Green & Wright, 2014)

Nikat had obviously struggled to cope. She contacted Victoria’s Department of Health and Human Services seeking assistance. (Maley, 2016)

Examples of text attributing blame to the offender’s partner included:

Police say he admitted he had wanted to kill Anna for a few months and did so because their marriage was unhappy and he considered her controlling and moody. (Hunt, 2004)

…he had planned the killings in revenge for his former wife, Cindy Gambino, leaving him, finding a new man and making his life difficult financially. (Kissane, 2007b)

…the murderous intention of the 38-year-old father to get back at his ex-wife in the most horrific way imaginable -- killing their three children. (Rout & AAP, 2007)

Table 7 summarises the articles by attribution of blame, by offender sex. Figure 5 compares the frequency of occurrence for attribution of blame between offender sex subsets.

Table 7 Attribution of blame by offender sex: total and percentage of subset total
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Fig. 5
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Frequency of occurrence of attribution of blame in female/male subsets

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Across all analyses blame was most frequently attributed to the offender. Where this was not the case, external blame for female offenders only included environmental stressors and external blame for male offenders was more likely to be attributed to partners. Krischer et al. (2007) noted that female offenders often struggle with environmental difficulties, such as finances or drugs, but partner blame for female offenders is rare. This study found no partner blame for female offenders. For male offenders, the presence of partner blaming is consistent with other studies, including partners of male offenders being blamed for their own perceived gender-based transgressions (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002; Kaladelfos, 2013; Nikunen, 2006). The attribution of blame to female partners in cases of paternal filicide, regardless of actual levels of culpability, is consistent with the flawed mother narrative. Despite the offence having been committed by a father, blame is deemed to rest with the mother for her flawed femininity – which in some way pushed the father to commit the crime.

Concluding remarks

This study identified several key themes and patterns within Australian print news coverage of filicide cases. These included a more neutral or sympathetic tone for female offenders, more mental health references in cases of maternal filicide, a persistent identification of maternal offenders as mothers, and the presence of mother-blame in paternal filicide framing. Some of the study’s findings align with previous research, but a number of key differences were also observed. With respect to article tone, previous studies reported a typically higher level of negativity in the portrayal of maternal offenders (Barnett, 2005b; Easteal et al., 2015; Nikunen, 2006). This aligns with role theory and social control theory regarding the critical treatment of individuals who step outside acceptable social norms (Becker, 1963; Brauer & Chekroun, 2005). In this study, article tone was generally more neutral or sympathetic for female offenders. Saavedra and de Oliveira (2017) noted that female filicide offenders were afforded more sympathy when they were viewed as ‘fragile’ due to their social conditions, which aligned with the current findings. The prevalence of references to mental illness in women who kill their children was not as notable as it has been in previous studies (Krischer et al., 2007; Léveillée et al., 2007; Palermo, 2002), though it was higher for women than it was for men. An unexpected finding in this study was the increased likelihood of sympathy for male offenders with respect to their mental health. This merits further examination – to identify, for example, whether this is a particular facet of Australian news reporting. The focus on female offenders as a parental figure is consistent with gender norm expectations and studies by Wiest and Duffy (2013), Saavedra and de Oliveira (2017), and Easteal et al. (2015), and demonstrates the influence of gendered perceptions within media framing. For men, there was a general disconnect with their role as a father. In cases of male perpetrated filicide, there was a recurring attribution of blame to female partners, although not to the same extent as previous research (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002; Kaladelfos, 2013; Nikunen, 2006).

Some of these findings demonstrate the use of the ‘flawed mother’ narrative as a framing device in news media reporting of maternal filicide. The frequency of references to mental health issues among maternal offender articles, while lower than previously reported, still remained notable. The perception of psychological damage, abnormality, and mental disturbance when a woman kills her child encompasses the cultural ideal of a woman as a natural born mother who must be insane to do her children harm (McCluskey, 2019; Shelton et al., 2010; Wilcyzynski, 1997). Labelling filicidal women with their parental role further strengthens the intersection of womanhood and motherhood, and reinforces the notion that a woman who is incapable as a mother is flawed in her femininity (Barnett, 2006; McCluskey, 2019). Finally, inversions of blame, irrespective of factual or legal guilt, place accountability on the flawed mother which caused the father to kill his child (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002).

Journalists have a duty to report on crime without prejudice (Goc, 2009). Findings from this study indicate that journalism may, at times, not meet this expectation. To ensure a balanced and objective portrayal, a more multi-faceted examination of serious crime is needed, with consideration given to the complexity of the antecedent circumstances. The news media is a powerful source of cultural information and can influence public perceptions, attitudes and expectations through narratives created and maintained in reporting (Easteal et al., 2015; Orthwein et al., 2010). The effects of gendered portrayal of offenders, of filicide and more generally, can have broader social consequences. Gendered expectations continue to prevail in Australian society, maintained and amplified through media constructed narratives despite the evolution of social norms challenging traditional expectations. Gendered portrayals of offenders can also impact the justice system – for example, by influencing prospective juror expectations or judicial assessments of offender culpability - which can affect determinations of guilt and sentencing outcomes (Orthwein et al., 2010; Wiest & Duffy, 2013). The influence of outdated gendered expectations on judicial processes can undermine the perceived and actual legitimacy of the criminal justice system, particularly if offenders are not afforded equity of outcome, including any rehabilitative help that is needed. By presenting more balanced and objective media coverage, it may be possible to change public attitudes and modify gender based behavioural expectations.

The findings of this study cannot be generalised or extrapolated to include the full cohort of filicide offenders, or their portrayal in every newspaper or media outlet. However, the study does provide an interesting insight into differential news media coverage of male and female parents who kill. There are a number of recommendations for further research, some of which address limitations of this study, and extend the depth and focus of examination. The temporal and jurisdictional scope of the study could be expanded, and analysis of media sources could include political affiliation and/or publisher. In this study, mental health was viewed more sympathetically for male offenders, which could be indicative of changing perceptions as this did not align with findings in older studies. While the dataset covered an extended time period, the uneven distribution of articles did not allow for a longitudinal analysis. The cultural constructions and understandings of mental health and gendered violence are constantly evolving, and a longitudinal study could examine changes in media coverage and include comparative analyses of social conditions for male and female offenders, and the ways in which they are perceived. Further research to examine the nature and potential effects of news media coverage of serious crime may enhance understanding, and create significant community, criminological, and criminal justice benefits.