Abstract
German foresters in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century were in many respects pioneers of modern renewable natural resource economic thought. This article examines how modern resource-based thinking emerged in German forestry and how it was shaped by prevailing political ideologies and intellectual movements. It is shown that the idea of the capital nature and value of forests was introduced in the mid-eighteenth century by Georg Heinrich Zincke, one of the earliest major German economists. His compatriots in mining and forestry took these economic principles further, presenting a few years later explicit comparisons on the profitability of different forest management regimes. These pioneering insights and calculations, published almost exactly 250 years ago, prompted further development of modern forest economic thinking. This intellectual process culminated in the discovery of the celebrated Faustmann model, perhaps the oldest formal description of natural resource use that is still theoretically valid.
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Notes
A fully regulated forest consists of a series of even-aged forest stands, each of the same surface area but of different ages. In an idealized case, the number of stands equals the rotation age. Each year, the oldest stand is harvested and immediately regenerated. The next year, the second oldest stand reaches maturity and is harvested, etc. Thus the capital structure allows constant levels of production and investment.
The term cameralism (Kameralismus) derives from the chamber (Kammer) in which the prince’s advisors traditionally deliberated (e.g. Tribe 1984, 1988). The subject matter ranged typically from household management (Oeconomie), finance, and public administration and regulation (Polizei, Policey) to more specific themes such as mining, agriculture, forestry and trade.
In its early years, the Forest Society had about 300 members, but the hard core was made up of a group of dozen members (e.g. Burgsdorf, Cotta, Hartig, Hennert, Hossfeld, Laurop, Pfeil) who contributed over 40 % of all the articles published in the Society’s journal Diana (see Lowood 1991, pp. 330–333).
Principles of sustainability had been known and, to some extent, applied within European forestry long before Carlowitz. However, a more elaborate definition and systematic use of the concept only emerged much later, at the time of classical forest science. For discussion, see, e.g. Schuster (2001) and Deegen and Seegers (2011).
Zanthier founded the first school devoted to forestry (Forstmeisterschule) in 1763 at Wernigerode, on the northern boundary of the Harz Forest. During the first years he offered private tuition at his home but a few years later the teaching became more organized and the school moved to Ilsenburg, a small town also in the Harz. During the next decades, similar forestry schools began to operate also in other German principalities (Hasel 1985, pp. 241–247).
A common perception is that Moser’s book marked the beginning of forest science, although the first book with the corresponding word Forstwissenschaft in its title was published a few years later by Johann Gottlieb Beckmann (1763) (e.g. Hess 1885, p. 245; Fernow 1913, p. 87; Mantel 1957). Even earlier Zincke (1755, p. 821) wrote that forestry (Forstwesen) is a science (Wissenschaft) that utilizes oeconomie, natural history and mathematics. Zincke (1755, part II, p. 630) may also have been the first to use the term “Forst-Oeconomie”.
Zincke’s Anfangsgründe der Cameralwissenschaft (1755) is nominally in two parts, but each part consists of considerable volumes. The four volumes contain, respectively, 806, 1 218, 998 and 724 pages. Roman numerals in our text refer to the parts of the book.
The question of the most advantageous (vorteihaftesten) forest rotation ages and tree species had been put forward six years earlier by an anonymous writer (1758, p. 229) in a Stuttgart periodical (Intelligenzblatt), published by a local society dedicated to the promotion of “physical-oeconomic” sciences.
With compound interest, the conclusion holds but the difference in capitalized income increases to 30 %.
Smith (1776, pp. 208–209) wrote: “The scarcity of wood then raises its price. It affords a good rent, and the landlord sometimes finds that he can scarce employ his best lands more advantageously that in growing barren timber, of which the greatness of the profit often compensates the lateness of the returns. This seems in present times to be nearly the state of things in several parts of Great Britain, where the profit of planting is found to be equal to that of either corn or pasture. The advantage which the landlord derives from planting, can no where exceed, at least for any considerable time, the rent which these could afford him; and in an inland country which is highly cultivated, it will frequently not fall short of this rent”.
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Viitala, EJ. Timber, science and statecraft: the emergence of modern forest resource economic thought in Germany. Eur J Forest Res 135, 1037–1054 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10342-016-0992-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10342-016-0992-5