Abstract
The standard account in whistleblowing research fixes the birth of the whistleblowing concept in the early 1970s. Surprisingly, there are no efforts to discuss why whistleblowing emerged as a distinct new action repertoire at this particular moment in time. Whistleblowing is a historical latecomer to an ethos of field transgression, which includes well-established forms of intervention such as watchdog journalism and political activism. Whistleblowing has strong affinities with these practices, but also holds its own unique place in ethics and democracy. We can only appreciate these qualities in full if we trace the historical origins of the concept. The article argues that the concept of whistleblowing crystallized at the intersection of a set of trends that picked up speed in the 1960s–1970s: individualization, changing perceptions of loyalty, declines in authority trust, new participation patterns, and a growing awareness of the dangers and complexities in human production and organization. This is not simply an exercise in disciplinary history. Whistleblowing is on the rise in these years, just as digitalization creates a whole new range of opportunities for disclosure. It takes an increasingly steady hand to isolate the distinct ethical-democratic contribution of whistleblowers within this complex reality. To achieve this, we need to be able to place whistleblowing on a broader sociological and historical map.
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Notes
As the title suggests the Nader et al. book was based on the proceedings from a Conference on Professional Responsibility held on 30 January 1971.
At the time, the concept was either split in two words or hyphenated. The exact origins of the whistleblower metaphor are unclear. The term was originally (in the late 1800s and early 1900s) associated with policemen making use of whistles, and later with refereeing in sports. During the 1960s the metaphor began to acquire its modern meaning as it was increasingly employed to denote individual actions that exposed something. This use of the metaphor was not necessarily positive. It was not until the volumes by Peters and Branch (1972) and Nader et al. (1972) that it acquired a distinct positive valuation as something desirable and important for the democratic process (Mueller, 2019, pp. 82–83).
The term “action repertoire” is inspired by Charles Tilly’s (1995) notion of a “repertoire of contention”. In his historical studies on social movements, Tilly developed the repertoire concept to point to the known and established means that groups and individuals could employ to voice protests against authorities in a given historical and geographical setting. While Tilly used the notion to refer to the entire subset of available protest tactics and methods, my understanding of an “action repertoire” works at a lower level of generality as a I refer to whistleblowing as a distinct repertoire. The repertoire concept is nonetheless fruitful for two reasons. First, it indicates that there are in fact several tactics available within the overall umbrella of whistleblowing, the most crucial distinction perhaps being the one between internal and external whistleblowing (Dworkin and Baucus, 1998). Second, the term repertoire also carries with it a historical and sociological sensitivity as it suggests how whistleblowing is just one way of making claims about injustice and wrongdoing in society. As such, it prompts us to theorize differences and affinities between the various repertoires that are available for actors in democratic societies.
Observers often differentiate between whistleblowing in private corporations and public institutions and organizations. While the article’s discussions tend to emphasize instances of whistleblowing related to, in particular, wrongdoing by the United States government or other public institutions such as the US military, I recognize that the period of the 1960s and 1970s that gave birth and shape to the concept of whistleblowing was also a period of numerous scandals involving business fraud in the United States (Balleisen, 2017; Pope & Lee, 2013). This dimension is especially central in the Nader et al. (1972) volume, whereas the book by Peters and Branch (1972) focuses mainly on wrongdoing related to US authorities.
Although not discussed at length by Peters and Branch (1972) or Nader et al. (1972), the exposure of the My Lai massacre in Vietnam in 1968 constitutes an early, important example of whistleblowing from the same period. The story was broken in 1969 by investigative reporter Seymour Hersh, but only after Ronald Ridenhour, a GI on active duty in Vietnam, had compiled eyewitness reports and sent a letter to US authorities and congressmen detailing the massacre (Gray & Martin, 2008).
Peters and Branch (1972, p. 16) were highly aware of Nader’s efforts, including his work on whistleblowing.
The emphasis on public interest is written into many of the legal frameworks that support whistleblowing, precisely to draw boundaries between whistleblowing and other forms of grievances and field transgression. The United Kingdom’s policy (United Kingdom Government, n.d.), for example, clarifies that “the wrongdoing you disclose must be in the public interest. This means it must affect others, for example the general public.” Later in the definition, it follows that “personal grievances (for example bullying, harassment, discrimination) are not covered by whistleblowing law, unless your particular case is in the public interest.” A similar note is struck in the United States’ Intelligence Community Whistleblower Protection Act of 1998, which sets the legal framework for the case of the Ukraine whistleblower whose disclosures led to the impeachment of United States President, Donald Trump. The document (Congressional Research Service, 2019) states that legitimate whistleblowing must be motivated by an “urgent concern”, i.e. “a serious or flagrant problem, abuse, violation of law or executive order, or deficiency relating to the funding, administration, or operations of an intelligence activity involving classified information”, but it also stipulates that it “does not include differences of opinions concerning public policy matters.” In other words, for whistleblowing to merit protection the underlying motivation must concern more than the idiosyncratic grievances of particular individuals.
In the United States, the 1970s ended with a nuclear disaster that profoundly strengthened this interpretation. The Three Mile Island disaster in 1979 exposed a range of significant and systematic security breaches, which led to a massive overhaul of the US nuclear industry (Zaretsky, 2018).
In recent work, Beck (e.g. 2005) has expanded his observations on risk and uncertainty to include issues such as biotechnology, genetics, nanotechnology, financial flows, etc.
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Olesen, T. The Birth of an Action Repertoire: On the Origins of the Concept of Whistleblowing. J Bus Ethics 179, 13–24 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04868-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04868-3