Abstract
Over the post–Cold War era, China and Russia have been committed to creating a strategic partnership in an attempt to contain the US hegemony and bring the world a new international order. As a part of this partnership and their efforts in achieving the above goals, these two states have increasingly intensified their military cooperation over the past two decades. The rapidly enhanced military cooperation is a visible manifestation of China’s quest for military modernization to meet the challenges of a potentially military intervention launched by the USA in Taiwan and the disputed South China Sea as well as for a delicate moment of global power shift caused by the rise of China. It also shows China’s strategic intention of enhancing its “hard” power in order to elevate its status at the systemic (global) level. In so doing, China wishes to achieve two interconnected objectives. One is related to China’s strategic and security environment that, from the Chinese perspectives, has been drastically aggravated by the US containment of its rise. The other relates to China’s long cherished dream of restoring its past glory of “Fuqiang” (wealth and power) by enhancing its national power and rising in the global power hierarchy.
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Notes
In the views of some Chinese IR scholars, the Soviet Union, the once second powerful country was ‘sent into the garbage heaps of history’ by the US through half a century’s Cold War. The US did not tolerate the rise of Japan, its docile and obedient ally in political and military terms, and imposed on it the Plaza Accord, which plunged Japan into the ‘lost decades’. For more details, see Jiang 2010.
Between the spring and summer of 1949, Mao Zedong advanced the principle of “leaning to one side”. The official Chinese IR literature believes that this is a major decision made in the light of China’s historical and realistic situation and in accordance with the existing international environment at that time. The strategy of “leaning to one side” is to declare that China would lean to the side of socialism as during the Chinese civil war the USA stood on the opposite side of the Chinese Communist Party and supported the Kuomintang. After the birth of New China, the USA might carry out armed intervention against China. Thus the abovementioned situation necessitated China’s allying with the socialist countries. For more details, see Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC 2015.
The mainstream perceptions of Chinese academics on China’s involvement in the Korean War are radically different from those of the West. Many Chinese scholars characterize China’s involvement in the war as inevitable. They argue that China’s involvement was not merely a logical outcome of the Communist ideology that Mao Zedong upheld, but was more related to China’s geopolitical interests, territorial security, and economic rehabilitation from its long-term wars. In their eyes, after the US-headed UN forces crossed the 38th parallel into North Korea and quickly pushed forward towards the Chinese border, Mao Zedong was left with only one option: to roll back the UN forces to the 38th parallel by sending troops to North Korea. For more details, see Qin 2010.
“Peaceful evolution” is a term generally used by Chinese academics to describe an alleged strategy of the USA and its Western allies to either overthrow or Westernize socialist states, including China, through peaceful means if or when they fail to achieve the same goal through economic embargoes, military interference, or outright invasions. For an elaboration on this term, see Zhao Fuke 2009.
Ibid.
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Dr. Lei Yu is a Professor in the School of History, Culture and Tourism, Liaocheng University. The key areas of his teaching and research interests include China-Russia relations, energy security, and international development.
Sophia Sui is a PhD candidate in Deakin University. The key areas of her research interests include foreign policy analysis, security and China-Africa relations.
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Yu, L., Sui, S. China-Russia military cooperation in the context of Sino-Russian strategic partnership. Asia Eur J 18, 325–345 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-019-00559-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-019-00559-x