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Competition in Derivation: What Can We Learn from French Doublets in -age and -ment?

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Competition in Inflection and Word-Formation

Part of the book series: Studies in Morphology ((SUMO,volume 5))

Abstract

The article gives a precise definition of the notion of doublet and applies it to French nominalizations in -age and -ment. The dimensions of competition that play a role in the case of doublets are then discussed and it is shown that they lead us to distinguish lexemes from lexical entries, the latter possibly subsuming the former. Among these dimensions, the type of the construction headed by the base verb is the crucial one since it determines the meaning associated with the derivational series a derived item belongs to. Réchauffage ‘(re)heating’ has an agentive meaning because the verbal lexeme it is correlated with heads an agentive construction, whereas réchauffement ‘warming’ has not because it is correlated with a verbal lexeme denoting an internally caused event. The challenge raised by the French doublets in question is that many of them have exactly the same meaning in some contexts, and therefore compete, and a different meaning in others. A hypothesis is proposed to respond to this challenge (the Repartition Hypothesis) but the readers are provided with a lot of examples showing that even when nominalizations in -age and -ment share the same meanings, they do not take exactly the same set of complements.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Leipzig glossing rules are use throughout. I would like to thank Anna Maria Thornton and Franz Rainer for helpful comments and insightful remarks.

  2. 2.

    This problem occurs whenever /ris/ is suffixed on a verbal stem ending with a [+alveolar, +fricative] consonant e.g. asperger ‘to splash’ aspers-eur/*aspers-rice, expulser ‘to expel’ expuls-eur/*expuls-rice, diviser ‘to divide’ divis-eur/*divis-rice, etc. (compare with examples (6)). A similar problem arises in Italian (Thornton 2012c).

  3. 3.

    Syntactic structures are printed in sans serif fonts.

  4. 4.

    Overabundance does not imply that the verb it affects belongs to a different inflectional type. Its inflection simply exhibits variation. Generally some of the forms are more frequent than the others (Thornton 2012a).

  5. 5.

    Bonami and Crysmann (2018) integrates ‘Paradigm Identifiers’ into an Information-based Morphology framework and proposes a more general and elaborate account of flexemes.

  6. 6.

    The lexicon is not a list but a hierarchically organized network (Koenig 1999; Elman 2004) and includes lexical information not tied to any particular lexeme, for instance the fact that all nouns ending in a consonant and denoting a male being in Russian belong to type 1 declension (Corbett 1991).

  7. 7.

    Baayen (2014) argues that experimental data go against the still prevailing model of the ‘static dictionary metaphor’ in experimental and psycholinguistic research.

  8. 8.

    In Generative Grammar, lexical entries are generally considered as equivalent to lexemes without discussion (Reinhart 2002). The issue of lexeme is addressed in Acquaviva (2008), however.

  9. 9.

    Lexical entries so conceived correspond to what Mel’čuk (1984–1992) calls ‘lexies’.

  10. 10.

    For computation based on the noun complement cf. Varvara and Zamparelli (2019).

  11. 11.

    This echoes what Ernst (2016) has put to light about adverb modification: the more dimensions a verb has, the easier the modification.

  12. 12.

    Criteria allowing to distinguish eventive nouns from other types of nouns are discussed in Godard and Jayez (1995) and Huyghe (2011).

  13. 13.

    No attestation of le tronçonnage des ((cortèges—parcelles—actes de reproduction)—de la théologie), or of le tronçonnement de la pierre in Google (accessed 10.2016).

  14. 14.

    This adjective has not necessarily a metaphorical meaning, as shown by (salle—chambre—voie) encavée ‘((bed)room—road) nested in a low position’, Le grand lac Manitou (…) est encavé entre des montagnes énormes ‘The big Manitou lake is nested between huge mountains’ (Web). If we rely on Web examples, it appears to be widely used in Québec.

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Fradin, B. (2019). Competition in Derivation: What Can We Learn from French Doublets in -age and -ment?. In: Rainer, F., Gardani, F., Dressler, W., Luschützky, H. (eds) Competition in Inflection and Word-Formation . Studies in Morphology, vol 5. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02550-2_3

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