Abstract
This study tests the idea that indigenous hunters employ selective prey and patch choice to augment the sustainability of their long-term foraging returns. In other words, do Achuar (Shiwiar) hunting patterns maintain the group’s “harmony” or “balance with nature” behaving as conservationists, or do they act as resource maximizers acting in ways predicted by optimal foraging theory? Analysis of indigenous hunters’ prey choice in light of patch selection and optimal diet breadth models indicate that the Achuar (with few exceptions) are overharvesting local populations of various species of Neotropical wildlife. Significantly, this research documents differential species vulnerability to indigenous hunting pressure which, in turn, affects the sustainability of Amazonian wildlife harvests. Additionally, this research illustrates how a relatively isolated egalitarian and autonomous Amerindian group of subsistence hunter–horticulturalists, who maintain many of the traditional beliefs about wildlife population dynamics, are fully capable of overhunting several species of Neotropical wildlife. As such, the overharvesting of various types of wild game by the Achuar cannot be considered as being an artifact of Western contact. Lastly, this work examines some of the ethical issues raised by these findings.
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Notes
- 1.
Nelson (1983) and Stoffle (2005) also argue that traditional religious beliefs prevented native peoples from overharvesting natural resources. While rejecting the notion that Amerindians existed in equilibrium with the environment, Pierrotti believes that “…Indigenous peoples developed rituals and ceremonies specifically designed to minimize chances of resource collapse,…” (2010:162).
- 2.
However, anthropologists have documented the existence of common-pool resources that are managed effectively via common property regimes (Borgerhoff and Coppolillo 2005; Smith and Wishnie 2000). Understanding such strategies may shed light on the long-term sustainable faunal harvests practiced by certain Northwest Coast peoples as documented by Campbell and Butler (2010) along with Langdon (2007).
- 3.
However, evolutionary ecology does not rule out the possibility of conservation (Smith and Wishnie 2000). See also Winterhalder and Lu (1997) for a foraging simulation model that results in sustainable harvests when foragers switch to less desirable “fall back” foods. Additionally, through computer simulation of human behavior, Winterhalder et al. (1988) document how foragers and their resources reach equilibrium without adhering to conservationist practices.
- 4.
According to ecological-evolutionary theory, territories tend to develop in regions where resources are dense and predictable (Brown 1964; Davies and Hudson 1984). Hames (1991) adds that only areas in which resources are relatively dense and predictable are worth defending (territoriality), as the costs of excluding access to others are outweighed by the benefits of maintaining sole rights of harvesting. This is significant as de Thoisy et al. (2009:406) assert that “…a renewed focus on the demarcation of indigenous territories, and subsequent enforcement of territorial rights, can provide adequate incentives for long-term resource management, particularly if successful partnerships can be implemented with conservation organizations.”
- 5.
Likewise, Vickers states that “[p]eople are more apt to conserve their resources when they perceive that the resources are threatened” (1994:310).
- 6.
See also LeBlanc and Register (2003).
- 7.
Among contemporary Maya, restraint in hunting is promoted by the belief in a supernatural guardian of wildlife who punishes hunters who waste meat or who harvest more game than what is necessary (Chap. 6).
- 8.
For example, among the Tikopia, chiefs ensure sustainable harvests by monitoring the utilization of natural resources (Diamond 2005; Firth 1983; Kirch 1997). However, the presence of political complexity does not guarantee sustainability. One need only consider the environmental degradation caused by the chiefdom societies of Hawaii and Easter Island (Diamond 2005; Kirch 1997).
- 9.
However, see Lu (2001) for an example of a common property regime among the Waorani that may have fostered epiphenomenal conservation. Hill and Padwe (2000) report on Aché foragers who harvest a very small and sustainable proportion of wild game because of local source-sink conditions. Also, Vickers (1994) reports sustainable game harvests among the Siona-Secoya, but this most likely is an example of epiphenomenal conservation. See Smith and Wishnie (2000) for further discussion on sustainable harvests in small-scale societies.
- 10.
See Erickson (2006) for evidence indicating sustainable ecological practices among pre-contact Amazonian chiefdom-like societies.
- 11.
Research indicates that some individuals may employ harvesting strategies that do not maximize energetic return rates. The explanation for this seemingly “irrational economic” behavior is that it serves as an honest costly signal of fitness-related qualities (Bliege et al. 2001). Some types of inefficient hunting may persist because foragers gain benefits from widely disseminating information on their hunting prowess relative to competitors through the hunting of large and risky prey items (Hawkes 1990, 1991, 1992, 1993).
- 12.
Kayapo hunters also largely target large-bodied species over small-bodied species (de Thoisy et al. 2009).
- 13.
This also assumes that foragers operate in a homogeneous environment.
- 14.
See Sirén et al. (2004) for an example of the effects of central place forgaing on local faunal populations.
- 15.
See Redford (1991) for the original use of the “ecological noble savage” term.
- 16.
The hunting data collected by Vickers from 1973 to 1982 suggest that the Siona-Secoya along the Aguarico River were hunting most prey in a sustainable manner. However, there was clear-cut evidence of depletion for one species, Salvin’s Curassow (Vickers 1994).“The observed sustainability of Siona-Secoya hunting resulted from their low population density (0.2 persons per square kilometer), the availability of a large hunting territory, and their limited hunting technology” (Vickers 1994:321). Moreover, the village (San Pablo) from which the data were collected never exceed 250 people (Vickers 1994). Thus it appears, as is suggested by Vickers, that the Siona-Secoya’s mostly sustainable harvest is an example of epiphenomal conservation.
- 17.
“As a rule, larger animals tend to have lower reproductive rates and lower population densities than smaller animals. Hence many larger animals tend to be more susceptible to depletion by predators” (Vickers 1994:318).
- 18.
This community was established in its present location in the early 1980s.
- 19.
The Achuar of Alto Corrientes neither engage in cash cropping, nor are they involved in the bush meat trade. As such, everything they hunt, fish, or farm is for internal consumption exclusively.
- 20.
However, the Achuar of Alto Corrientes will deviate from a central place foraging pattern in preparation for village feasts that occur about one or twice a year. See below for more information on these occurrences.
- 21.
These data were obtained using a Magellan 2000 GPS instrument.
- 22.
See Chacon (2007) for a discussion of the conflict between the Alto Corrientes and the Conambo.
- 23.
Piranha teeth are used for notching blowgun darts so that the poisoned tips will readily break off once inside the bodies of wounded animals.
- 24.
During the course of this study, the exchange rate averaged 3,173 Sucres per $1 US dollar.
- 25.
See Chacon (2001) for a detailed comparison of Achuar blowgun vs. shotgun hunting harvests.
- 26.
All hunters were males who were 16 years of age or older.
- 27.
The Achuar find deer fetus particularly tasteful.
- 28.
Informants reported that these hunting camps were also used as refuges in times of war. Hence, the Achuar tend to be secretive about the exact locations of these clearings. See Beckerman and Yost (2007) for similarly “hidden gardens” among the Waorani.
- 29.
These distances were ascertained by using a Magellan 2000 GPS instrument.
- 30.
It is important to note that round trip travel time that men spent walking from the village of Alto Corrientes to the hunting camps was not included in the hunting patch/area kg/hr return rates reported in this study.
- 31.
Prey items taken at hunting camps are smoked over a fire for preservation.
- 32.
See Chacon (2001) for an overview of the “Energy Maximization” vs. “Time Minimization” debate.
- 33.
As previously stated, the categorization of game in this study was assigned on the basis of pre-processed weight.
- 34.
Stearman reports how among the Yuquí, female game animals with young “are often specifically targeted because they tend to trail behind, or in the case of primates, are slowed down by the infants they carry. Fetuses removed from slower pregnant females killed in the hunt are considered a delicacy” (1994:348). Additionally, the Kekchi Maya readily kill and eat pregnant paca (Kitty Emery personal communication 2010). Moreover, according to Hames, “Yanomamö hunters react with indifference to the discovery that a peccary or deer being butchered was pregnant” (Raymond Hames, personal communication 2011).
- 35.
In addition to interviewing numerous indigenous foragers, I have logged thousands of hours hunting with native Amazonians and they have never indicated that reproductive status was a determining factor in their decisions about which animals to pursue. Thus, the Achuar appear to harvest wild game opportunistically. Among the subsistence hunting Waimiri Atroari, female spider monkeys make up 80% of the catch for this species. Females are preferred over males because their bodies contain more fat. Female spider monkeys can be easily identified from the ground because of their conspicuous red genitalia (Souza-Mazurek et al. 2000). Interestingly, opportunistic Matsigenka bow hunters harvest more female primates than males because slower-moving females make easier targets than faster moving males (de Thoisy et al. 2009).
- 36.
Likewise, Wadley et al. (1997) found little evidence for conservation among the Iban of Borneo as hunters opportunistically harvested animals such as pregnant female wild pigs. Boigu Island subsistence hunters of the Torres Strait preferentially target female dugong (Dugong dugong) for harvesting (Raven 1990).
- 37.
- 38.
Similar trends among the Yuquí of Bolivia have been documented by Stearman (1992). This Amazonian group (which is living in an area that is becoming depleted) is now harvesting greater numbers of individuals of smaller-bodied (less preferred) species. These findings are in concert with predictions made by the OFT optimal diet breadth model.
- 39.
See Hames and Vickers (1982) for similar findings.
- 40.
Interestingly, a decline in highly high-ranked and highly desired dugongs (Dugong dugong) caused many Torres Strait Boigu Island subsistence hunters to focus on harvesting low-ranked and less desired green turtles (Chelonia mydas) (Raven 1990).
- 41.
A decline in high-ranked dugongs caused certain Boigu Island subsistence hunters to intensify their attempts to bag this highly prized species (Raven 1990).
- 42.
Several scholars have put forth low abundance of game as a major factor in the relocation of villages (Gross 1975; Harris 1974; Meggers 1971; Roosevelt 1980; Siskind 1973). Some may argue that relocation is an adaptation designed to maintain a group’s balance with nature (i.e., prevent the depletion of local fauna), but predictions stemming OFT’s patch switching model offer a more parsimonious explanation for why hunters choose to relocate when faced with low abundance of game.
- 43.
Similarly, Peres and Nascimiento (2005) report that tapirs are extremely rare in the vicinty of the Kayapo village of A’Ukre. Additionally, Franzen (2006) documents the overharvesting of spider monkeys by Huaorani subsistence hunters. Likewise, tapir and spider monkeys are becoming scarce in areas near Waimiri Atroari villages of the Brazilian Amazon (Souza-Mazurek et al. 2000).
- 44.
Traditionally, both tapir and red brocket deer were considered taboo by the Achuar (Ross 1976, 1978). However, during the course of this study, both species were eagerly pursued by Alto Corrientes hunters whenever encountered in the forest. Moreover, one pregnant red brocket deer was taken and consumed by the villagers (fetus included). Therefore, the absence of tapir and the relative scarcity of red brocket deer in the harvest recorded in this study likely stem from the overhunting of these species, rather than from any reticence on the part of Achuar foragers to bag these particular prey types. See Hames and Vickers (1982) for a similar “de-tabooing of deer.” The absence of white-lipped peccaries in the Achuar harvest may also be the result of overhunting. However, it is important to note that white-lipped peccaries have been known to move out of an area for years, and then return in great numbers (Bodmer 1990; March 1993; Mayer and Brandt 1982; Sowls 1984).
- 45.
In this study, I classified agoutis at the lower end of the larger-bodied prey category.
- 46.
For another example of Neotropical wildlife being attracted to Amerindian settlements, see Demarest (2004) and Emery (2000, 2004, 2007) who report the existence of a human–deer symbiotic relationship among the ancient Maya. Fallow zones and patches of jungle were maintained even in the proximity of densely populated Maya regions to support a nearby wild deer population for hunting and trapping. Research indicates that deer were attracted to gardens in order to feed on corn.
- 47.
- 48.
Among the Yuqui, the number of agoutis harvested increased as larger prey types became depleted (Stearman 1990, 1992). The Siona-Secoya generally prefer harvesting larger-bodied game animals such as tapirs, peccaries, woolly monkeys, and howler monkeys over relatively smaller-bodied species. However, the taking of relatively small rodents (including agoutis) intensified only when larger game became scarce. Currently, agouti populations do not appear to have been depleted by the Siona-Secoya in over ten years of hunting (Vickers 1991). The Siona-Secoya’s sustainable agouti harvests might be an example of epiphenomenal conservation. Likewise, Sirén et al. (2004) report that agoutis do not appear to be depleted near the Quichua settlement of Sarayacu.
- 49.
Agoutis were the most common animal hunted by the horticultural prehistoric Cerro Brujo Indians of Panama. As is the case in Amazonia today, these rodents were likely attracted to gardens in the past where native peoples harvested them in amounts disproportionate to their forest biomass (Linares 1976). These findings suggest that these ancient peoples of Panama had depleted the larger prey type populations near their settlement.
- 50.
It is important to note that to date, no such incursion of colonists has occurred in the Achuar Alto Corrientes region. Therefore, the scarcity or absence of any species in either the village patch/area or the hunting camp patch/area harvests cannot be attributed to outsider-induced hunting pressure.
- 51.
Hames reports similar findings: “…in numerous hunts with both Ye’kwana and Yanomamo hunters, I always observed them to pursue game in depleted areas while they were en route to more distant [non-depleted] areas” (Hames 2000:219).
- 52.
- 53.
Similar movements in response to overhunting may have occurred among precontact Great Basin hunter–gatherers. As far back as 4,000 years ago, when faced with declining harvests of high-ranked prey species, valley-bottom foragers temporarily relocated to high-altitude hunting camps where alpine hunters focused on bagging high-ranked prey items such as mountain sheep (Ovis canadensis) over low-ranked prey (Bettinger 2008). These findings are in accord with OFT-based patch selection and optimal diet breadth models.
- 54.
These findings illustrate the folly of subscribing to essentialist constructions of indigeneity (be they conservationist or non-conservationist leaning). Therefore, in order to assess the sustainability of Amerindian wildlife harvests properly, a rigorous examination (on a species-by-species basis) is necessary.
- 55.
Likewise, according to Chagnon, “based on my extensive fieldwork experience in Amazonia, Yanomamö hunters do not harvest wild game with sustainability in mind” (Napoleon Chagnon, personal communication 2011).
- 56.
Vickers (1994) offers the same explanation for why traditionally, the Siona-Secoya did not engage in conservationist harvesting practices. Lu (2006) reports that the same is true for the low population density Huaorani people who inhabit a relatively large territory. Additionally, Stearman holds that “resource management strategies do not exist among the Yuquí because they do not perceive the need for them” (1994:348). Likewise, Wadley and Colfer record how among the Iban of Borneo, “…their ancestors never thought of preserving things for the future because they lived in such abundance of land and forest,…Now, however, the local land base was shrinking, and there was nowhere to migrate, one common alternative in the past…People they said, must now think of the natural resources that they will leave for their descendents” (2004:330).
- 57.
Buege (1996) also blames Euro-American colonialism for the loss of traditional Amerindian conservationist practices.
- 58.
Indeed, research shows that articulation to the Western market economy often provides incentive for native peoples to overharvest local natural resources (Borgerhoff and Coppolillo 2005; Ventocilla et al. 1996). However, it is important to note that contact with the West can also, under certain circumstances, actually promote conservation as the following case involving the Montagnes Indians of Labrador indicates: “In earlier [pre-contact] times, the tribe’s norms had supported community hunting rights within its forests, a system that creates few incentives for an individual hunter to conserve the stock of game. Once the European traders had come on the scene the tribe shifted to a system of exclusive hunting territories…This system is more efficient when game is scarce because the sole owner of a territory inhabited by non-migratory wild animals has a much sharper incentive than a communal hunter to avoid overhunting” (Ellickson 2001:49). Among the Montagnes, “a close relationship existed, both historically and geographically, between the development of private rights in land and the development of the commercial fur trade…Because of the lack of control over hunting by others, it is in no person’s interest to invest or maintain the stock of game” (Demsetz 1967:351).
- 59.
- 60.
The Achuar of the Pastaza Province of Ecuador are served by American Fundamentalist Christian missionaries who are generally hostile to native beliefs. Missionary efforts to stamp put indigenous myths notwithstanding, every adult male hunter in the village of Alto Corrientes reported belief in the existence of supernatural gamekeeper named Amasan who grants men success when foraging just as long as they were respectful of the game they bagged. Significantly, these same hunters attributed all game shortages near their village to the activities of malevolent shamans, not to overhunting on the part of native foragers (Chacon’s unpublished fieldnotes). Some Amerindians, such as the Cree, believed that the more animals they killed, the more animas would be available to them (Brightman 1993; Hames 2000). As such, the Cree believe that a hunter’s inability to bag wild animals came as a result of an individual’s failure to treat the game spirits with respect or due to sorcery, not to a decline in local wildlife populations as a result of overhunting animal population (Charles Bishop, personal communication 2010; Bishop 1981; Bishop and Lytwyn 2007). Additionally, Boigu Islanders of the Torres Strait attribute current dugong and green turtle declines to sorcery. Moreover, Islanders believe that the ocean’s resources are “limitless and inexhaustible” (Raven 1990:296). Similarly, according to Lu, the Waorani “have a perception of – ‘natural abundance’ – a belief that the forest that has always provided for them will always continue to do so” (2006:192). Additionally, Stearman reports that “the Yuquí did not, and still do not recognize that [natural] resources are finite” (1994:348). Along these lines, contemporary Maya hunters believe that a supernatural animal guardian will regenerate wildlife as long as hunters see to it that the bones from harvested animals are properly treated (Chap. 6). For further documentation of similar beliefs among Amerindian groups, see (Brightman 1993; Fienup-Riordan 1990; Krech 1981, 1999, 2007; Niezen 2009; Tanner 1979; Zavaleta 1999).
- 61.
Interestingly, Polo states that in general, the Inka believed that every species had a particular guardian star in the heavens that was charged with that animal’s procreation and increase (Polo 1965). Along these lines, Cobo reports that the Inka believed that the Pleiades star cluster preserved all animal life (Cobo 1990).
- 62.
Chagnon (1997:245) reports that Yanomamö villages with sustained contact with outsiders for 30 years or more experienced lower mortality rates as they were comprised of individuals who had survived the initial “health shock” ensuing from contact with the Western world. Among the Waimiri Atroari of Brazil, the population is growing by 7% per year, indicating an increasing need for substantially more food resources in the near future (Souza-Mazurek et al. 2000). See Picchi (2006) and Lu Holt (2005) for documentation of similar demographic rebounds among native Amazonians.
- 63.
According to Alvard (1995b) human population increases may be more important for the decline of game species than the adoption of more efficient hunting technology.
- 64.
See Hugh-Jones (1992) for documentation of how the material wants of Amazonian peoples may significantly change once they come into contact with the Western world.
- 65.
Dowie states that “…not all indigenous people are perfect land stewards. Only cultural romantics believe that. And even those who were good stewards in years past may cease being so due to population growth, erosion of culture, market pressures, and the misuse of destructive technologies” (2009:111). See Sirén et al. (2004) for the documentation of Amazonian Indians overharvesting various types of Neotropical fauna.
- 66.
“[I]t is often claimed that forest resources will be well managed if only the traditional users were allowed to maintain control. It is, indeed, widely believed that traditional communities use their resources in a sustainable manner. This belief is based on the fact that traditional communities lived at low densities, had limited technology, and practiced subsistence rather than commercial utilization. Unfortunately, given growing population pressure, increased access to modern technology, increasing market orientation, and steady erosion of traditional cultures, there is no guarantee that biodiversity objectives will be any more likely to be achieved if resource control is placed in the hands of indigenous people” (Kramer and Schaik cited in Lu Holt 2005:199–200).
- 67.
TEK constitutes the extensive knowledge and understanding that native peoples possess about their local environment (Gadgil et al. 1993).
- 68.
See Sirén et al. (2004) for an example of the overharvesting of various Neotropical prey types by the Quichua of Sarayacu. The authors also suggest the establishment of no-take areas as a possible solution to local wildlife depletion.
- 69.
For example, one such successful collaboration involved how researchers trained Aché assistants in data collection protocols. This partnership helped investigators arrive at an accurate understanding of the study area’s faunal density (Hill and Padwe 2000).
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Acknowledgments
In South America, I wish to thank Dr. Patricio Moncayo (Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Ecuador) for years of friendship and collaboration. Also, much gratitude is extended toward Steve and Dorothy Nelson, and Mauro and Susana Palacios along with Silvio and Viviana Almeida for their friendship and gracious hospitality while in Ecuador. My deepest and most sincere gratitude goes to my Achuar friends of Alto Corrientes.
In the USA, I am most grateful to William Vickers, Kitty Emery, Allyn Stearman, Flora Lu, Charles Kay, William Rogers, and to the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful critiques of this chapter. I am also indebted to Jonathan Marx, William Rogers, and Charles Tucker for their aid in the statistical analysis of the data presented in this work.
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Chacon, R.J. (2012). Conservation or Resource Maximization? Analyzing Subsistence Hunting Among the Achuar (Shiwiar) of Ecuador. In: Chacon, R., Mendoza, R. (eds) The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1065-2_13
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