The entire early sociology of professions, from its founding in the 1930s to the end of functionalists' domination of this subfield, in the late 1970s, revolved around two central premises. One was that professions are unique among occupations in the economy and their associations are unique among intermediary associations in civil society or, on the Continent, among direct or indirect agencies of the state. The other premise was that the presence of professions and their associations uniquely helps to establish and consolidate an advanced democracy. Quite remarkably, however, this insight at a conceptual level in the literature of professions was never brought centrally, by Talcott Parsons or anyone else, into the literature of comparative politics. Subsequently, following the eclipse of functionalism in this subfield, the putative connection between professions and democratic quality largely dropped out of sight in the professions literature.
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Notes
- 1.
Rare exceptions simply mention professions, for instance when discussing how professionalism may provide an antidote to corruption; as examples, see Manzetti and Wilson (2007:957), Levitsky and Way (2005), Smulovitz and Peruzzotti (2000), Schedler (1999:22) and Perez-Diaz (1993:50–51). These works do not incorporate this insight into typologies of democracy.
- 2.
- 3.
Schmitter 1974, 1979, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1995. The phrase “originating democracies” is taken from O'Donnell.
- 4.
- 5.
Merkel's focus is on defining constitutional democracy in particular, but his conceptual point applies equally, in our view, to any more general typology of democracy.
- 6.
Such observations and criticisms through the 1980s, listed chronologically, include the following: Bell 1973; Crozier, Huntington and Watanuki 1975; Hirsch 1976; Bell 1976; Dahl 1982; Miliband 1982; Korpi 1983; Barber 1984; Przeworski 1985; Esping-Anderson 1985; Bobbio 1987; Sartori 1987; Dogan 1988.
- 7.
O'Donnell, Schmitter and Whitehead, for instance, coined the neologism democradura to denote illiberal formal democracy.
- 8.
Wolfgang Merkel calls Freedom House the “preferred source of data about democratization” but adds that it does not take into account whether elections are actually conducted fairly and correctly (2004:34). Regardless, Merkel and Kruck 2004 rely on this data in exploring the relationship between democratic quality and social justice.
- 9.
- 10.
This is Larry Diamond's assessment of the full listing of subtypes in the unpublished version of the Collier and Levitsky paper (Diamond 1999:7).
- 11.
More recent typologies tend to be less expansive, focusing more exclusively on distinguishing either deficient subtypes intermediate between formal-electoral democracy and consolidated liberal democracy (e.g. Merkel 2004; Merkel and Croissant 2000; also Schmitter 1996) or quality subtypes within liberal democracy (e.g. Morlino 2004; also Schmitter and Karl 1991).
- 12.
Freedom House, upon which Diamond relies for cross-national data, classifies regimes somewhat similarly into five types: consolidated authoritarian, semi-consolidated authoritarian, transitional or hybrid, semi-consolidated democracy, and consolidated.
- 13.
The best case for adding qualifiers to electoral democracy is by O'Donnell (2001); a recent, compelling case for keeping criteria of electoral democracy minimalist is by Storm (2008).
- 14.
See Merkel and Kruck (2004) for a recent quantitative cross-national comparison of the relationship between degrees of democraticness and social justice.
- 15.
- 16.
Three years earlier, when bringing the concept of “horizontal accountability” too much needed prominence, O'Donnell treated rule of law as utterly central — noting that here is where liberal and republican traditions “con verge.” But he failed to define the concept or to cite any references (1998:114,119).
- 17.
The quotation is from Robert Summers (1982), who during the 1960s and 1970s had been fiercely critical of Fuller and, literally, founded a “school” of legal positivism in late 1966, that of “pragmatic instrumentalism.” By 1982 Sum mers nonetheless acknowledged in print that he and other positivists (which includes Raz) had been mistaken and Fuller had been right — a quite unusual event in contemporary scholarship. “No positivist appears to have understood the broad implications of ” Fuller's proceduralism constraining “the kinds of specific purposes officials can pursue through law” (Summers 1984:28).
- 18.
More generally, I have not seen any comparativists who challenge O'Donnell's basic analysis here, at a conceptual level. Rather, comparativists simply challenge the rule of law standard that results from it, for they point to this standard's ambiguity and vagueness (without seeing its source in conceptual disparateness) and then exposure to subjective interpretation and partisan politicization (e.g. Karl 2004; Whitehead 2004).
- 19.
One of the greatest threats to proceduralist legality in all democracies today comes ironically from the highest courts. Rather than focusing first and foremost on whether new legislation, and then their enforcement, exhibits procedural integrity, constitutional courts today instead more and more frequently engage directly in substantive legislative (and then administrative) activities. Their rulings launch policy initiatives, whether in abortion or medical treatment, narcotics, gender, housing, wages and sexual preference. This is as true of the U.S. Supreme Court as it is of Constitutional Courts from Germany to Colombia. For instance, even legal scholars who favor the substantive outcome of Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion in the U.S., agree that Court reasoning here lacked procedural integrity (e.g. Sunstein 2005). The Colombia Constitutional Court, established in 1991, is a literal archetype of legislative overreach from the bench and thus of proceduralist breakdown (Faundez 2005; Uprimny and Garcia-Villegas 2005).
- 20.
The reason for this distinction is theoretical and technical, and beyond the scope of this paper to discuss. However, the key is whether any intermediary association contains what are called structured situations, those in which positions of power and positions of dependence are both entrenched. Such is the case with corporate managers and corporate stakeholders and also with professional practitioners and clients. When structured situations are present, then procedural legality is vital to promote governance quality; when they are not, this is not relevant, let alone vital.
- 21.
Our distinction between formal democracy and limited government means that the former type spans a distinction which Collier and Levitsky and others draw. All formal democracies qualify by “procedural minimum” definitions of “classical subtypes” of democracy, the latter including presidential and parliamentary systems. We are adding that they also qualify by “expanded procedural minimum definitions of democracy,” which point to whether elected governments possess or lack effective power to govern (in the face of legacies of military rule). A “protected” or “tutelary” democracy, wherein the military retains an “inordinate degree of political power,” is hardly a limited government. But it may well qualify robustly as a formal, electoral democracy.
- 22.
There are other, more analytical ways of distinguishing subtypes, but it is beyond the scope of this paper to introduce them now.
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Sciulli, D. (2010). Democracy, Professions and Societal Constitutionalism. In: Leicht, K.T., Jenkins, J.C. (eds) Handbook of Politics. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-68930-2_5
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