Abstract
Debunking arguments typically attempt to show that a set of beliefs or other intensional mental states (e.g., intuitions) bear no appropriate explanatory connection to the facts they purport to be about. That is, a debunking argument will attempt to show that beliefs about p are not held because of the facts about p. Such beliefs, if true, would then only be accidentally so. Thus, their causal origins constitute an undermining defeater. Debunking arguments arise in various philosophical domains, targeting beliefs about morality, the existence of God, logic, and others. They have also arisen in material-object metaphysics, often aimed at debunking common-sense ontology. And while most of these arguments feature appeals to ‘biological and cultural contingencies’ that are ostensibly responsible for our beliefs about which kinds of objects exist, few (if any) of them take a serious look at what those contingencies might actually be. The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, to remedy this by providing empirical substantiation for a key premise in these debunking arguments by examining data from cognitive science, evolutionary biology, and developmental psychology that support a ‘debunking explanation’ of our common-sense beliefs and intuitions about which objects exist. Second, to argue that such data also undermines a particular kind of rationalist defense of common-sense ontology, sometimes employed as a response to the debunking threat.
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Notes
When I refer to ‘common sense’, I will mean to refer to the common-sense beliefs and intuitions that accord with our ordinary conception of the world. Some common-sense ontologists would likely prefer to talk about only beliefs, or only intuitions, but I will be concerned with both here.
Debunking arguments—and associated “reliability challenges”—arise in various philosophical domains, targeting beliefs about morality, the existence of God, logic, math and others. For example, see Clarke-Doane (2012), Bedke (2009), Street (2006, 2011), Joyce (2000, 2006), and Harman (1977) on ethics; Mason (2010), Rea (2002), and Plantinga (1994) on religion; Schechter (2010, 2013) on logic; and Clarke-Doane (2012), Field (1989: 25–30), and Benacerraf (1973) on math. See White (2010) for a general discussion of the epistemology of debunking. For discussions of evolutionary debunking, see Street (2006, 2011), Kahane (2011), Clarke-Doane (2012), and Vavova (forthcoming). Some of the authors cited here would characterize the issues and arguments somewhat differently, e.g., Schechter conceives of the arguments as “reliability challenges” rather than explanatory challenges.
This is one way of characterizing the nature of a debunking argument, but it is not the only way. Some conceive of debunking arguments in terms of a sensitivity requirement, rather than an explanatory requirement (e.g., see Clarke-Doane 2012 and Bedke 2009). One might think that such requirements rise or fall together. However, for the purposes of this paper, I will utilize and focus on the explanatory version.
Leslie (2013: 1); italics original.
See Hawthorne (2006: 109).
Daniel Z. Korman understands some debunking arguments as one premise arguments, though sometimes he adds an additional, intermediate premise (e.g., see Korman 2014: 3). Guy Kahane (2011: 106) suggests a general, 2-premise schema for debunking arguments, in which there is a “causal premise” and an “epistemic premise.” For the purposes of this paper, the exact logical structure of the debunking arguments is not vital.
Korman refers to this, where the facts about some subject matter explain our beliefs about that subject matter, as an “alethic explanation.” See Korman (2014: 2–3) for his discussion.
See Korman (2014: 12–13) for a helpful discussion of deviant causation. I pull from his own discussion here.
Thanks to an anonymous referee for raising this point.
See BonJour (1980).
See Carnap (1950).
Thanks to a referee for suggesting this discussion of Carnap’s distinction.
See §5 in Korman (2009) for a discussion of the relevance of intuition in particular.
Specifically, see pages 321, 323, and 327–329 in Korman (2008) for his discussions of the relevance of intuitions to the challenge for universalism.
The same citation (Markosian 2014) applies for all quotes in this paragraph. Page numbers are in reference to the penultimate online version of the paper.
While Korman self-identifies as a ‘rationalist’, I do not know if Markosian would accept the label. However, he openly holds the view that common-sense intuition is relevant to determining an acceptable answer to the Special Composition Question, which qualifies him as a ‘rationalist’ for the purposes of this paper. Of course, the rationalist/empiricist divide is classically determined by views about the possibility of synthetic a priori intuitive knowledge, where rationalists hold that such knowledge is indeed possible. But this is not the sense of ‘rationalist’ I will intend here.
However, it is important to note that such debunking arguments are typically aimed at realist common-sense ontologies, rather than, say, conventionalist views. The same goes for the argument in this paper: it is intended to challenge realists, since conventionalists have a relatively easy way out. See, for example, Sidelle (1989, 2002).
For his brief discussion of the rationalist response, see Korman (2014: 18).
See Marr (1982) for one of the seminal discussions of the cognitive science of vision.
This, for example, is why even if mereological universalism were true, and any two or more non-overlapping xs composed a further y, we would still not be able to cognitively represent that state of affairs, because there would be too many relations in the environment to represent at any given time.
See Freeman (1994) for a discussion of the Generic Viewpoint assumption in visual perception.
See Marr and Hildreth (1980) for a discussion of the theory of edge detection in vision.
The thesis that perceptual (in this case, visual) experiences have ‘contents’—known as the Content View—is somewhat controversial, but I will assume it here. For a discussion and defense of the (Rich) Content View, see Siegel (2010); in particular, see chapter 6 for a discussion of the role of objects in visual experience. See also Siegel (2012) for a relevant discussion of cognitive penetration in visual experience and perceptual justification.
For example, see Nilsson (2009; pgs. 2833, 2838) for a discussion of some such tasks.
See Kim and Biederman (2011) and Alvarez (2011) for similar findings and related discussions. For other discussions and studies on object perception, segregation, and recognition, see Hochberg and Peterson (1987), Peterson and Gibson (1994), Peterson (1994), Oliva and Torralba (2007), Spelke (1990), Needham & Baillargeon (1997, 1998), Spelke, et al. (1995, ch. 10), Needham (2001), and DiCarlo et al. (2012). See Peterson (1999) for a partly historical discussion of object segregation and recognition in the context of Gestalt psychology.
This is very much in line with the core idea from Gestalt psychology that the mind uses holistic principles of unity and organization to represent objects as wholes that are in some sense “over and above” or “prior” to their parts.
Taraborelli (2002: 2).
For other studies on binding, see Wheeler and Treisman (2002), Treisman (1998), Hummel and Biederman (1992), and Hummel (2001). For a study on the role of neural synchrony in perceptual binding, see Blake and Yang (1997). See also Roskies (1999) for a brief but comprehensive overview discussion of “the binding problem.”
See Goldman (1987) for a relevant discussion of Gestalt psychology and “unity principles.”
That is, unless one adopts an anti-realist (e.g., conventionalist) view according to which the objects that exist are dependent upon our beliefs and practices. However, such views are not at issue here.
However, the common-sense ontologist could plausibly object here that some of the factors that affect our ability to perceive and recognize objects—like proximity and spatial continuity—do seem relevant to the issue of which objects exist, i.e., when composition occurs. I will address this objection in section 4.1.
Nilsson (2009; pg. 2833, 2838).
Similarly, G. A. Horridge (1987) holds that visual mechanisms evolved based partly on their ability to discern and separate stationary objects in the environment.
It’s relatively easy to see how a debunking argument based on a sensitivity principle (see fn. 3) might fit in here. Such an argument would point out that, for various reasons, we still would have believed in the kinds of objects that we do even if those objects didn’t exist. Thus, the methods by which those beliefs were formed are unreliable, or the beliefs unjustified, etc. But as I have said, this is an alternative approach to the one I am using here.
See also Alvarez (2011) for a related discussion on representing objects as an “ensemble.”
Leslie (2013, pg. 2). Page numbers are in reference to the penultimate online version of the paper.
This hypothesis is more commonly known as psychological essentialism, and is well-confirmed. For a thorough review of the data on the topic up to 2003, see Gelman (2003).
Much of this relates back to my earlier discussion of object segregation and recognition, and the papers cited there.
See Leslie (2013) for a discussion of this and related issues.
This kind of response is suggested in Scholl (2007) in a discussion of the psychology and philosophy of object persistence. Scholl argues that metaphysical intuitions regarding object persistence may be based on psychological mechanisms that allow for the experience of object persistence, and which are based on the same factors, like spatiotemporal continuity. He suggests that this connection could vindicate the reliability of such intuitions. If so, the metaphysician could embrace the data regarding the origins of the relevant intuitions. However, I am far from convinced that such an inference is justified, whether in Scholl’s case or the case at issue in this paper.
Again, see Marr and Hildreth (1980) for a discussion of the theory of edge detection in vision.
Although, even if this were true, it wouldn’t explain why seemingly irrelevant factors like familiarity and functional relationships make a difference to object perception and cognition as well.
See Merricks (2001: 8–9, 88) on this point.
Goldman (2010: 14).
Ibid.
To be fair, Bengson (forthcoming) attempts to develop an account of how such thing might work—how we might “grasp the third realm,” as it were—though his account his more general, and he is not concerned specifically with grasping facts about mereological composition.
E.g., perhaps it is an analytic truth. For this view about ordinary objects, see Thomasson (2007).
Thanks to an anonymous referee for raising this objection.
Again, see Merricks (2001: 8–9, 88) on this point.
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Acknowledgments
Special thanks to Zach Horne, Kristin Seemuth Whaley, David Mark Kovacs, John Hummel, and especially Dan Korman for discussing, reading, and/or giving comments on the paper. Thanks to everyone else with whom I have discussed the paper. Thanks also to an anonymous referee and an editor for this journal for their comments that helped me greatly in refining and improving the paper.
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Osborne, R.C. Debunking Rationalist Defenses of Common-Sense Ontology: An Empirical Approach. Rev.Phil.Psych. 7, 197–221 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13164-015-0273-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13164-015-0273-0