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Pax Romana/Pax Americana: Views of the “New Rome” from “Old Europe,” 2000–2010

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Abstract

The English-language press and current affairs literature often drew parallels between the modern United States and ancient Rome during a period of robust American military intervention, particularly in the Middle East, between 2000 and 2010. How was the Rome–America parallel deployed in similar literature in western European countries? Did commentators in the major Eurozone nations—in particular, France, Germany, and Italy—use the parallel with different purposes in mind? Was this commentary mostly positive or negative? This paper aims to answer these questions.

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Notes

  1. Burton [1].

  2. See “Secretary Rumsfeld Briefs at the Foreign Press Center,” January 22, 2003 (http://www.defense.gov/transcripts/transcript.aspx?transcriptid=1330, accessed 2 August 2010).

  3. In terms of my working methods, the newspapers and political journals whose websites I performed searches on were the newspapers of record and well-established non-academic periodicals in the several countries under study; these are Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Welt, Der Tagesspiegel, Berliner Zeitung, Die Tageszeitung, Die Zeit, and Der Spiegel (Germany); Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération, Le Temps, Les Echos, Le Télégramme, and L’Express (France); and Corriere della Sera, La Stampa, La Repubblica, and Libero (Italy). In my selection, I follow the choices, criteria, and method of one of the foremost scholars on contemporary European attitudes towards America, Andrei S. Markovits ([2], 239–40 n. 1). My most common search terms were römische reich Vereinigte Staaten, Bush Caesar, Bush Cäsar, and Bush Augustus (German sources); l’empire romain états-unis, Bush César, and Bush Auguste (French sources); and impero romano stati uniti, Bush Caesare, Bush Augusto, and Bush imperatore (Italian sources). Only three current affairs books—[3], Todd [4, 5]—treat the comparison in significant depth.

  4. [6], 599.

  5. Meier [7], 8.

  6. Molinari [8].

  7. Follath and Spörl [9].

  8. Nagel [10].

  9. Kuzmany [11].

  10. Frank [12].

  11. Kaube [13].

  12. Ibid.

  13. Buchsteiner [14]. Buchsteiner also sought clarification on another comment Stiegler had made, comparing German right-wing politician Edmund Stoiber to the Roman emperor Nero. Stiegler responded that he made the comparison not because Stoiber was particularly decadent, but because of his seeming delight in misfortune—his need to fiddle while Rome burns.

  14. Daniel [15], 71 and 74 (whence the quotations); see also Revel [16], 145–46. Toinet [17], 134–35, sees France as a victim of “unrequited love” for the U.S. and its relationship with the U.S. as love-hate: “this ambivalent attitude is the source of recurring swings between frustration and admiration, resentment and fascination.”

  15. Golub [18].

  16. de Bernard [19].

  17. Similarly, Italian academic Classicist Giovanni Viansino sees an American parallel to the low value the Romans placed on the lives of their inveterate enemies (runaway slaves, Christians, criminals) in Colin Powell’s response to a journalist’s question about the Iraq war dead: “the number [of the dead] is not of particular interest to me” ([5], 101).

  18. Lacorne [20].

  19. And from Camandona [21] (discussed below), where the sub-header “George W. Bush come Giulio Cesare” has nothing to do with the content of the article.

  20. Goodheart [22].

  21. Caretto [23]. French journalist Laure Mandeville, on the other hand, found Murphy’s parallel of the presidential retinue with Diocletian’s entourage thoroughly appropriate when reporting on U.S. President Barack Obama’s European visit in 2009 (Mandeville [24]).

  22. Olimpio [25]. When the concept of imperial overstretch is applied to the U.S., Rome is usually invoked as a parallel (see next section).

  23. Ronchey [26].

  24. Molinari [27].

  25. Though, of course, Cato was as much a Hellenizer as an anti-Hellenizer: [28], 52–83.

  26. Gorlier [29]. See [30], 21 and 492 n. 15 (whose argument about Cato’s olive oil wealth is weak, to say the least, based as it is on inference from the emphasis Cato places on olive cultivation in his de Agricultura; Plutarch’s Life of Cato the Elder, where we would expect to find corroboration of Rostovtzeff’s thesis, is silent on the matter).

  27. Imarisio [31].

  28. See [1], 85. The global reach of modern American (nuclearized) power was inconceivable in the ancient world, and the notion that an empire can fall through overstretch is a universal fact of imperial life.

  29. Settis [32]. On the cultural aspect of the Rome–America parallel, see below.

  30. The scholarly literature on European anti-Americanism is substantial and growing: see, e.g., [33, 34]; Schama [35]; Hollander, ed. [36–38]; Cox [39]; Revel [15, 16]; Roger [40] (the latter three on France); [2, 41, 42] (the latter three on Germany).

  31. The editorials and commentary are conveniently gathered and translated in Lévy, Pensky, and Torpey [43].

  32. [3]; more succinctly (and in English), [44].

  33. But Rome was not coterminous with Italy for the first 500 years of the city’s existence.

  34. Space constraints do not permit a full evaluation of Bender’s specific points of comparison, nor of those of [5], who also believes that the U.S. is an isolationist power that regards all outsiders as potential enemies (53).

  35. [4], xvii-xviii, 134–36, 142–44.

  36. Ibid., 20.

  37. Ibid., 181.

  38. Ibid., 187–90.

  39. Macé-Scaron [45].

  40. Birnbaum [46].

  41. [5], 96.

  42. Perrier [47].

  43. Berthod [48]; see also the review of Pompeii by Franceschini [49], who concludes, “we all live under a volcano.”

  44. Canfora [50].

  45. Mayer [51]. Mayer’s piece had previously been turned down by every major newspaper and political publication in America: see [52], xi–xii. A slightly longer version of the piece was eventually published stateside in The Daily Princetonian (http://www.dailyprincetonian.com/2001/10/05/3509/, accessed 12/04/2012).

  46. Wefing [53].

  47. Golub [18].

  48. Riotta [54]. Similarly Kappeler [55], who notes that public opinion forced George W. Bush to retract his characterization of the war against terrorism as a “crusade”—something that “would never have happened to a Roman emperor.”

  49. Merlini [56].

  50. Delanglade [57].

  51. Munzi [58].

  52. Seewald [59].

  53. To his credit, however, Seewald criticizes as “flippant” comments made by one of the documentary’s academic experts, who compares the emperor Vespasian to “the kind of guy who’d rather go to a football game than an opera,” and the Colosseum as “the first superdome in history.” He also critiques Cassel’s uncritical rehashing of the cartoonish and fictional clichés about Nero and his excesses, such as the old saw about the emperor fiddling while Rome burned.

  54. Hassner [60] is exceptional in regarding the modern globalized economy as fundamentally different from the economy of the Roman world.

  55. Todd [4], 13–16, 20. Similarly, [5], 94–95 and 103–104, who sees the modern U.S. as a predatory capitalist state, whose main concern is to consume and control the world’s natural resources while its own economy is in decline, and thus thrives on international chaos and anarchy; this is in apparent contrast to Rome, whose elites disdained profit-seeking (sic), and thus everywhere and always strove to achieve universal peace.

  56. Ibid., 61–62, 71–76.

  57. Gilliéron [61].

  58. Sensini [62].

  59. Grangereau [63].

  60. Mauriac and Pénicault [64]. Knowingly or not, Attali echoes Hor. Epod. 16.1–2 and Livy 1 pr. 4 (where Rome collapses under its own weight) when he says, “the American empire, stronger than ever, does not see it may be being overwhelmed by its own omnipotence.”

  61. [5], 107–109 (suburbia), 105 (FDR and alimenta).

  62. Todd [4], 61–62, 207 n. 3. Similarly, German architecture critic Bernau [65]: the Roman empire collapsed when it lost the confidence of the “not-so-rich and not-so-mighty.”

  63. Todd’s misunderstanding (or misreprensentation) of Roman social reality is all the more egregious since his main source for this, Geza Alföldy’s Social History of Rome, in fact argues, contrary to Todd, “The concept of class would hardly be appropriate for a definition of [the Roman] social system … If Roman society had been a class society … there would necessarily have been two classes. First, the upper class … [a]nd second, the lower class”; “the prerequisites for an independent middle order did not exist”; “a true middle order could not evolve” (Alföldy [66], 149, 147, 99).

  64. Meier [7], 115.

  65. Bollmann [67]. Bollmann’s piece, and this argument in particular, was criticized by one reader as being excessively Eurocentric: [68].

  66. Again, from an Anglocentric point of view, to see these names appear—and be discussed knowledgeably—in a daily newspaper is a remarkable thing.

  67. Benessia [69].

  68. One million foreign-born people were made U.S. citizens in 2006 alone: http://www.migrationinformation.org/datahub/charts/historic.2.shtml, accessed 18/04/2012.

  69. Bollmann [67]; Franceschini [49]; Bender [3], 30–41; Bender [44], 151–52; Todd [4].

  70. Mollenhauer [70]; Franceschini [49]; Camandona [21]; Settis [32]; Magris [71].

  71. Allam [72]. Allam’s views were praised by Gianni Finessi, a self-proclaimed “old Italian immigrant” to the U.S., in the pages of La Repubblica on the Ides of March 2003, two days before the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq began: Finessi [73].

  72. Caretto [23] (citing Goodheart 2007).

  73. [5], 105.

  74. Todd [4], 77, 98, 101–102, 113 (whence the quotation). Todd’s focus on American attitudes towards Arabs is part of a fierce critique of U.S. loyalty to Israel (Todd [4], 113–118).

  75. Perrin [86]. Both Todd and Perrin may have been inspired by Princeton professor Arno Mayer, whose critique of U.S. policy after 9/11 forecast the “incipient collaboration between, in Arnold Toynbee’s words, ‘an external and internal proletariat’ against an overweening imperial ascendancy” (Mayer 2001).

  76. Viansino 98, 100, and 107.

  77. Bollmann [67].

  78. Camandona [21].

  79. See, e.g., the cover of Peter Bender’s Weltmacht Amerika, juxtaposing the U.S. Capitol building and the Pantheon in Rome (Bender [3, 44]); Walter [74]; Golub [18] (the title of the German version of his Le Monde Diplomatique piece is “The Columns of the Capitol”); Wefing [53]; Ludwig [75].

  80. Bernau [65].

  81. Daniel [15]; cf. [33], 384–88; [36], 61.

  82. Denis [76]. Similarly, [5], 103.

  83. Although, as we have also seen, some Italian (Caretto, Viansino), German (Bollmann, Mollenhauer), and American (Mayer) commentary touches on this as well.

  84. Noted even by one of Die Tageszeitung Magazin’s readers: [68].

  85. See, e.g., [77], and now [78], 159–78. The literal reading of such statements as “The Germans themselves I should regard as aboriginal, and not mixed at all with other races through immigration or intercourse” (Tac. Germ. 2) generated an inordinate amount of mischief throughout German history, and particularly in the 1930s and 1940s: [79].

  86. [41], 31–51; Ceaser [80]; Ceaser [81], 50–51; [36, 82], 8.

  87. Bollmann [3, 67], 258–64; [44], 156. Bender’s source is for this is [83], 323 (Heuss was a political conservative and member of the Nazi party in the 1930s and 1940s, an affiliation he later regretted, but also admitted was undertaken in order to advance his career).

  88. [84], 281–316.

  89. Kagan [85].

  90. [1], 96 and n. 137.

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    Paul J. Burton

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Burton, P.J. Pax Romana/Pax Americana: Views of the “New Rome” from “Old Europe,” 2000–2010. Int class trad 20, 15–40 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-013-0320-0

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