Abstract
Soft regulatory measures are often promoted as an alternative for existing regulatory regimes for nanotechnologies. The call for new regulatory approaches stems from several challenges that traditional approaches have difficulties dealing with. These challenges relate to general problems of governability, tensions between public interests, but also (and maybe particularly) to almost complete lack of certainty about the implications of nanotechnologies. At the same time, the field of nanotechnology can be characterized by a high level of diversity. In this paper, we discuss and compare two models for framing public policy in relation to technology regulation: the first is a deliberative model based on foresight knowledge and the second the wide reflective equilibrium model, developed by political philosopher John Rawls. In both models, the aim is to find consensus on (a framework for) policy measures and regulation. On the basis of a critical discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of both models, some tentative conclusions are drawn for effective policy making and implementation based on soft law.
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Notes
Although this claim may in general be true, it should be noted that many technologies are being developed in a host of other contexts, such as the military sector, which are not always uncontroversial. The notion of dual-use technology has been introduced to refer to research and technology with the potential both to yield valuable scientific knowledge and to be used for purposes with potentially serious detrimental consequences. Although dual-use is as old as engineering and design, the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and recent developments in the life sciences have renewed the attention for the topic [85]. The moral assessment of dual-use technologies and the prevention of its harmful use is currently one of the most debated topics engineering ethics (cf. the recent special issue on “The Advancement of Science and the Dilemma of Dual Use” in the journal Science and Engineering Ethics; [71]).
It should be noted that both hard and soft regulation may have compliance problems. Compliance in the case of hard regulation may be critical because the regulated parties are not involved in rule making. Compliance in the case of soft and self-regulation may be critical if it is fully dependent on the on-going commitment, motivation, and goodwill of the individual organizations alone [5].
Critics of consensus policy often warn that the promotion of consensus is coercive, notwithstanding its democratic aims. The promotion of consensus runs the risk of prioritizing the interests of the most powerful, these critics argue; under the sway of deliberation, the goal of consensus can all too easily be equated with the interests of the powerful (see, for example, the work of Iris Marion Young [98, 99] or Chantal Mouffe [48, 49]). For reasons of space, we cannot go into detail in this discussion, but we agree that not any consensus is a democratic outcome and we therefore explicitly added the criteria of fairness and legitimacy, distinguishing a democratic consensus from a mere compromise or modus vivendi. In case of the latter, people come to an agreement on the basis of some process of negotiation in which power relations and mutual dependencies play a crucial role.
Formally, the UNECE Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (available at http://www.unece.org/env/pp/treatytext.html; last accessed July 12, 2012).
Hence, this is a different question from the normative one central to philosophy of law, which concerns the question under which condition people ought to feel that they have to obey the law (cf., [60]).
These projects include the DEEPEN project (http://www.geography.dur.ac.uk/projects/deepen/Home), the FRAMINGNANO project (http://www.framingnano.eu), the NANOPLAT project (http://nanoplat.org), and the NANOCAP project (http://www.nanocap.eu).
These four projects are “Tijdelijke Nanoreferentie-waarden” [translated: Temporary Nano-reference values], “Kennisdelen Nanodeeltjes in de verfketen” [translated: Sharing knowledge in the painting chain], “Informatie voorziening MKB bedrijven (MKB-vraagbaak)” [translated: Information provision SME (SME helpdesk)], and “Handreiking werken met nanodeeltjes” [translated: Support working with nano particles].
Letter from the Dutch Minister of State Infrastructuur & Milieu, ‘Invulling Strategie “Omgaan met risico’s van nanodeeltjes” [In English: Interpretation Strategy “Dealing with risks of nanoparticles”]’, Kamerstukken II 2010/11, 29 338, nr. 100, p. 6. It is interesting to note that the Minister presents the “industry” as a relatively one-dimensional entity of competitive companies. It should be noted that somewhat more successful stories are known from the UK, where the association of relevant companies participated in setting up the Defra voluntary self-reporting schemes. However, although the schemes were adopted, there were compliance problems due to the bureaucratic efforts companies had to make to provide the information and to their interest to keep this information secret.
Some actors and institutions even argue explicitly against the idea of updating regulations to account for nanomaterials (e.g., Commission, Classification, Labelling and Packaging of Nanomaterials in REACH and CLP, CA/90/2009/Rev 2).
http://www.cobouw.nl/nieuws/algemeen/2011/01/04/Fabrikanten-helpen-ministerie-gevolgen-van-nanoverf-onderzoeken.xml; last accessed June 19, 2012.
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Acknowledgments
This research is carried out within the framework of the NanoNextNL project, theme 1C. The author would like to thank the editors of the special issue, Diana M. Bowman and Elen Stokes, and Bärbel Dorbeck-Jung for reading earlier drafts of the paper. The article has profited a lot from their comments and the helpful suggestions they provided.
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Doorn, N. Wide Reflective Equilibrium as a Normative Model for Responsible Governance. Nanoethics 7, 29–43 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11569-013-0169-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11569-013-0169-3