Abstract
A rich interdisciplinary literature exists exploring the determinants of state higher education funding policies. However, that work has collectively ignored an important finding from political economy literature: namely, that citizens’ preferences regarding public spending are strongly influenced by the state’s ethnic and racial context. Drawing on a unique panel of state-level data covering the years 1982–2009, we find that states demarcated by increased racial and ethnic diversity and eroding white majorities do tend to spend less on subsidies to public higher education, resulting in decreased state appropriations as well as more tepid support for financial aid programs. Critically, however, we find that the negative effects of increased ethnic and racial fractionalization can be mitigated—and in some circumstances, fully offset—by a high degree of positive social interaction between ethnic and racial groups. These results are discussed within the pragmatic context of continued state emphasis on degree attainment as a mechanism to foster economic growth as well as broader considerations about equality and social justice.
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We use the average of the last five years in order to account for temporal lags in the relationship between our independent variables and state higher education spending and avoid potential endogeneity due to reverse causality. The results we present are robust to alternative lag structures.
We also estimated the models with the dependent variables scaled by state population. The results were not substantively different from those that we present in this paper. The results from this specification are not presented here but are available from the authors upon request.
It is possible that state higher education spending influences the demographic characteristics of a state’s population through its impact on net migration. The channel through which these effects are likely to materialize is the net migration of college students. The extant literature on the relationship between student aid and net student migration suggests that state higher education finance policies significantly influence net student migration (Dynarski 2004; Orsuwon and Heck 2009). The relationship does not appear to be strong enough to substantially influence the overall ethnic composition of states, which is the basis of our variables of interest. We believe that the use of the averages of the independent variables across the previous five years mitigates the potential endogeneity. We also used a specification with simply the fifth-order lags of the independent variables in place of the five-year averages and obtained results similar to those discussed in the text. These results are available upon request.
The 5th percentile state was New Mexico. Arkansas and Tennessee were the 49th and the 51st percentile states, yielding a midpoint of 75.9. The 95th percentile state was West Virginia.
We obtained the segregation data from William H. Frey and the University of Michigan Social Science Data Analysis Network. The authors calculated the segregation index from 1990 and 2000 decennial Census data and from American Community Survey data pooled from 2005 to 2009. We used the estimates derived from ACS data for 2007 and produced estimates for 1991–1999, and for 2001– 2008 with linear interpolation. The authors calculated the indices for white-African -American, white-Hispanic, and white-Asian segregation.
Since the Confederacy and affirmative action ban indicators are time-invariant within states, they are perfectly collinear with the state fixed effects and therefore excluded as constitutive terms in the estimated regressions.
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Foster, J.M., Fowles, J. Ethnic Heterogeneity, Group Affinity, and State Higher Education Spending. Res High Educ 59, 1–28 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11162-017-9453-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11162-017-9453-3