Abstract
In rural regions across the globe, local natural resources (i.e., “bush” resources) are central to meeting daily household needs. Culturally-influenced gender- and age-based divisions of labor guide the harvesting of these resources and, as a result, shifts in resource availability will differentially affect women, men, girls, and boys. This research brief presents results of an innovative pilot project designed to assess the socially differentiated effects of land-use/land-cover changes (LULCC) on Gwembe Tonga migrants living in Kulaale, an agricultural frontier in southern Zambia. Integrating existing analyses of remotely sensed imagery with a seasonal resource survey and mapping exercise (n = 20 homesteads), this study finds the average extractive workloads (mean annual distance traveled for the collection of bush resources) of women, men, girls, and boys to be both unequal and contrary to recent speculations about the distinctive vulnerability of adult women to environmental change. Drawing on qualitative ethnographic methods—including semi-structured interviews (n = 101), a homestead labor survey (n = 38), participant observation, and references to over fifty years of anthropological research—the author identifies additional variables—including the demographic structure of Kulaale homesteads and the flexible division of subsistence labor—that color Gwembe Tonga migrants’ aged and gendered experiences of LULCC. The study adds important nuance to our understanding of natural resource practices and individual-level vulnerability, particularly in the face of contemporary environmental change.
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Notes
Wherever the word child is used in this research brief, it refers to a subadult—someone who is under the age of 18 and who still lives in the home of his or her parents.
Kulaale and the names of its four katengos are pseudonyms.
According to Kopytoff (1987:9), “the frontier is a geographical region with sociological characteristics.” Transitions in human settlement patterns and the conversion of forests and grasslands to productive uses represent “one of the more dramatic examples of the connection between population and the environment” (Entwisle et al. 2008:879). As an agricultural frontier, Kulaale embodies these characteristics and is an ideal site for exploring the human dimensions of LULCC.
Initiated in 1956—2 years before the construction of Kariba Dam—the GTRP is one of the longest continuous anthropological studies of a society anywhere in the world, and it is arguably the longest-running assessment of a dam’s social impact. For a discussion of the larger GTRP, see Clark et al. 1995; Cliggett 2002, 2005; Cliggett et al. 2007; Colson 1960, 1971; Scudder 1962, 1993; Scudder and Colson 1982.
Whether this announcement ever took place, and whether it represents an official deregulation of previously restricted lands, remains unclear (Cliggett n.d.).
According to a 2005 survey by Cliggett and Unruh (n.d.), the ethnic composition of Kulaale is 40 % Gwembe Tonga, 39 % Plateau Tonga, 18 % Ila, and 2 % other. The remaining 1 % is unknown.
Where it is used in this research brief, the term livestock refers to cattle and goats, both of which represent “an investment strategy and a symbol of wealth for Gwembe Tonga people” (Cliggett 2005:68). Cattle are especially valued by Kulaale farmers for their utility in drawing plows and oxcarts and for the security they provide in times of hunger or financial stress.
See, for example, Boucek and Moran 2004; Butt 2010; Case et al. 2000; Dennis et al. 2005; Fox et al. 2003; Goodchild and Janelle 2004; Heasley 2003; Jiang 2003; Lambin et al. 2001; McCusker and Weiner 2003; Moran and Ostrom 2005; Moran et al. 2003; Nyerges and Green 2000; Rindfuss et al. 2003; Stonich 1996; Sussman et al. 1996; Walsh et al. 2003, 2008; West 2009, 2010.
Literatures describing the converse side of the human–environment relationship in temporally and spatially explicit terms tend to focus on indigenous ecological knowledge (Lauer and Aswani 2010), environmental cognitions (Meyfroidt 2012, 2013), and adaptive responses to environmental degradation and climate change (Fleskens et al. 2013; Mertz et al. 2011). But for a few exceptions (see Brown 2003 and Galvin et al. 2001), there is little temporally and spatially explicit research that explores the socially differentiated (e.g., gendered, aged, classed, and raced) effects of environmental change.
For a discussion of received wisdom and “misread” landscapes, see Anderson and Grove 1989; Bassett and Zuéli 2000; Brockington and Homewood 1996; Collett 1989; Fairhead and Leach 1996, 2003; Homewood and Rogers 1989; Leach and Mearns 1996; Lindsay 1994; Little 1994; Moore and Vaughan 1994; Scoones 1996; West and Vasquez-Leon 2008.
The Office of Research Integrity at the University of Kentucky and the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee at the University of Zambia approved this research protocol. As both institutions waived written documentation of informed consent, I obtained verbal consent from participating adults and verbal assent from participating children as required. I also sought approval from the regional Chief and village headmen before commencing the study.
The term katengo refers to a group of villages, each of which contains between 10 and 40 extended family homesteads. Inzoka katengo contains 16 villages, Cikolo includes 19 villages, Musamu has 15 villages, and Banyama encompasses 13 villages. Each village has its own headman, who falls below the Senior Headman in each katengo’s adminstrative heirarchy.
I use the term homestead in this study to refer to a single family compound. This differs from a household, which, among the polygynous and matrilineal Gwembe Tonga, denotes the house and hearth of one woman and her children living within the larger family compound.
This 646-homestead survey was designed and administered by Cliggett and Unruh.
All of the homesteads in this subsample were ethnically Gwembe Tonga, and all were headed by persons who were displaced, or whose parents and/or grandparents were displaced, by Kariba Dam. Four of the twenty homesteads (two in each zone) were female-headed. The remaining 16 homesteads were male-headed.
Ethnographic data suggest that Zone 1 and Zone 2 homesteads are of similar socioeconomic status. Also, the extent to which the different homesteads depend on bush resources is similar across the two zones.
Extractive workloads were calculated for 83 bush resources, only eight of which were transported using a mode other than walking. In all eight cases, the resources were transported using ox-drawn carts. While the use of oxcarts certainly reduces the burden associated with carrying bush resources, it does not affect the distance(s) one is required to travel.
Whenever a resource from the same homestead was extracted from multiple locations, an average distance was recorded.
In some instances, respondents did not give a specific numerical frequency, reporting that a resource is collected “daily,” “weekly,” “monthly,” or “yearly” rather than “two times per week.” This response was interpreted to be qualitatively different from an answer of “one time per day/week/month/year.” “Daily” implies that multiple trips might be made in a single day, though the number of those daily trips is variable. For this reason, the author assigned a multiplier of 1.5 to survey responses like “daily,” “weekly,” “monthly,” and “yearly.” The following example will clarify the calculation procedure: Boys in homestead 01 travel 13.15 km to collect a particular bush resource. They collect this resource “daily,” (365 × 1.5) but only in the rainy season (or one-third of the year). Thus, the annual distance traveled by boys in homestead 01 for the collection of this particular bush resource is (13.15 × 547.5 × .333) 2.40 km.
As a measurement of averages (it is the mean extractive workload, or mean annual distance, associated with multiple bush resources), the average extractive workloads presented in this research brief obscure extreme high and low values.
The nature of LULCC in Kulaale, a third variable that might help explain the patterns in Fig. 3, is described elsewhere (Harnish 2013). In brief, ethnographic data suggest that agricultural expansion has an uneven effect on the availability of different types of bush resources. For instance, many wild vegetables grow inside and on the periphery of cultivated fields. Also, the clearing of forests to create agricultural fields provides an alternative fuel source in the form of desiccated maize cobs. But, agricultural expansion does not provide alternative source of building materials. As LULCC in Kulaale diminishes the supply of the heavy, termite-resistant mopane trees (which make ideal building poles) and the soft, pliable lozi trees (the bark of which provides fiber for lashing), it appears that the persons responsible for extracting these materials—typically men and boys—must travel greater distances in order to locate them.
These two organizational patterns (nucleated and dispersed) are described by Rindfuss et al. (2007).
The border to Kafue National park necessitated an east-to-west pattern of in-migration to Kulaale (as seen in Fig. 2) causing Zone 1 to be settled first. Though there are some families who came directly to Zone 2 from areas outside Kulaale, many Zone 2 residents appear to have shifted from Zone 1 for reasons related to land shortages or declines in soil fertility.
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Phil Berger, Lisa Cliggett, Marybeth Chrostowsky, Michael Ferris, Ashley Rondini, Tyler Smith, Monica Stephens, Colin West, and Dominique Zephyr for commenting on the earlier drafts and providing analytical assistance. I would also like to express my gratitude to Lori Hunter and four anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and constructive criticism. This research was funded by the Fulbright Program, The National Science Foundation, and the University of Kentucky.
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Harnish, A. Extractive workload: a mixed-method approach for investigating the socially differentiated effects of land-use/land-cover changes in a southern Zambian frontier. Popul Environ 35, 455–476 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11111-013-0194-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11111-013-0194-8