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The morpho-syntax of silent wh-expressions in Wolof

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Abstract

This paper analyzes the morphology and syntax of wh-expressions and agreeing complementizers in Wolof, an Atlantic language. I argue that Wolof possesses a set of null wh-expressions, in addition to a set of overt ones. The null wh-expressions occur in a relative clause-like construction in which they trigger agreement on a complementizer. I examine the properties of the null wh-expressions and compare them to their overt counterparts in Wolof. I provide evidence that the null wh-expressions, like the overt ones, move successive cyclically, and may trigger agreement on intermediate complementizers that occur in the movement pathway. I also compare the Wolof construction to a superficially similar complementizer agreement construction in the Bantu language Kinande, and to null operators in German and wh-drop in Dutch.

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Notes

  1. See Torrence (2000, 2003), Zribi-Hertz and Diagne (2002), and Koopman (2006) for specific analyses of na-clauses.

  2. See Sy (2003) for detailed discussion of Wolof noun classification.

  3. There are no u-forms that correspond to ‘why’ or ‘how many’. For the St. Louis dialect there is no u-form that can be used to ask ‘when’. However, some speakers of the Dakar dialect do allow this.

  4. In simple u-questions, the u-form is stressed (Zribi-Hertz and Diagne 2002) and pronounced with audibly higher pitch than the rest of the question. To the ear, the pitch begins very high on the u-form and rapidly drops. Impressionistically, this is also an intonational property of yes/no questions, wh-questions, and focus cleft clauses in Wolof. See Rialland and Robert (2001) for details on Wolof intonation.

  5. Wolof has three morphosyntactically distinct cleft constructions: subject, non-subject, and predicate focus (Sauvageot 1965; Church 1981; Njie 1982; Robert 1986; Kihm 1999; Torrence 2005, 2008b).

  6. Space considerations preclude discussion of these constructions here.

  7. I exemplify only with a strong island. However, relativization and u-construction questions are constrained by strong and weak islands (Torrence 2005).

  8. Church (1981) makes this observation.

  9. For most speakers that I have worked with, there is in fact no u-form that can be used to ask a ‘when’ question. However, for some Dakar speakers, it is possible to form a ‘when’ question with a b-u clause. Note that this is not possible for the speakers consulted for this paper:

    1. (i)
      figure al
  10. Dunigan (1994:137–139) takes the u-construction to contain a silent wh-operator and –u- to belong to the ‘Σ’ category, which takes TP as its complement. It is thus very similar to the one presented here.

  11. A null wh can occur in a multiple wh-question as long as the other wh-elements are overt wh-expressions and can remain in situ:

    1. (i)
      figure an
  12. Thanks to Marcel den Dikken for pointing me to Cardinaletti’s work and the case of wh-drop in Dutch.

  13. See also Svenonius and Kennedy (2006). They argue that some Northern Norwegian dialects possess a null wh-degree operator that undergoes obligatory movement to the C-domain.

  14. The analog of u-chains is also available in relative clauses for u/i/a-forms, although I exemplify here only with an i-chain:

    1. (i)
      figure ax

    This further strengthens the link between relative clauses and the interrogative u-construction.

  15. I discuss the agreement in terms of movement through SpecCP, however another implementation is possible. Rackowski and Richards (2005) and Den Dikken (2010) argue that wh-movement proceeds from an embedded clause through the matrix SpecvP, and not through SpecCP of the embedded clause. Under this implementation, the agreeing C establishes an AGREE relation with the (null or overt) wh-expression in its base position. This is manifested as complementizer agreement. The wh-expression then moves to SpecvP of the matrix clause, bypassing the embedded SpecCP. Thus, there is C-agreement without movement through SpecCP. Under this view, successive cyclicity is preserved as successive cyclic movement through SpecvP. Thanks to Marcel den Dikken for suggesting this alternative.

  16. Interestingly, there is a split in Dutch among speakers that allow wh-drop with respect to extraction from embedded clauses:

    1. (i)
      figure ay

    (i) is an instance where wat orginates in an embedded clause. That (i) is ungrammatical for some speakers follows if the dropped wh-expression cannot undergo successive cyclic movement for those speakers.

  17. This interrogative-relative distinction makes Wolof similar to (some dialects of) English, as observed by Zwicky (2002). He shows that the Doubly Filled Comp Filter can be violated in (embedded) questions but not in relative clauses:

    1. (i)

      I’m not sure what kind of a ban that FIFA has in mind. (Adapted from Zwicky 2002:222; ex. (1))

    Zwicky does not describe these as cases of Doubly Filled Comp Filter violations. He refers to them as “wh + that clauses”. He says of his data set, “Certainly, none of them is of a transparently relative type, that is, there are no examples of ordinary restrictive relatives with wh + that” (p. 223). Zwicky argues that the English construction is not like the cases of Doubly Filled Comp violations that are found in some Germanic varieties.

  18. This example is adapted from Schneider-Zioga (2007c:46; ex. (1)). In that work, the class 7 agreeing complementizer kyo is glossed as “wh-agr”.

  19. Schneider-Zioga also shows that complementizer agreement can amnesty certain island violations. I do not discuss these here as I am unable to construct analogous violations for Wolof.

  20. This was pointed out by Marcel den Dikken (p.c.).

  21. Thanks to a reviewer for pointing out the connection to Merchant’s (2001) analysis.

  22. Thanks to a reviewer for bringing Baltin’s analysis to my attention.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank all of the people without whom this paper could not have been written and who helped determine its final form. These include first my very generous Wolof consultants: Mariame Sy, Khady Tamba, Mustapha Djigo, Seynabou Ndoye, and Fallou Ngom. I heartily thank Leston Buell, Ivano Caponigro, Allard Jongman, Jason Kandybowicz, Gregory Kobele, Hilda Koopman, Haiyong Liu, Sara Rosen, Dominique Sportiche, Tim Stowell, and audiences at UCLA, the University of Kansas, and the Università Milan-Bicocca for comments, criticism, and encouragement. Many thanks go out to three NLLT reviewers who read over multiple versions of this paper and provided detailed comments and suggestions at every step, and to Marcel den Dikken for his insightful feedback on almost all aspects of this work.

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Torrence, H. The morpho-syntax of silent wh-expressions in Wolof. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 30, 1147–1184 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-012-9175-3

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