Skip to main content
Log in

The hidden side of clausal complements

  • Published:
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

I propose that a moved clausal complement must involve a DP structure headed by a covert determiner. This proposal explains the fact that the base-generated position of a moved clausal complement must show properties of DPs even though the moved constituent appears to be a CP. I argue that the necessity of the DP structure comes from properties of an independently motivated mechanism for interpreting structures involving a movement dependency under the copy theory of movement. Together with a particular theory of counter-cyclic merger, the proposed analysis also captures (anti-)reconstruction effects exhibited by movement of a clausal complement.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Similar content being viewed by others

References

  • Adger, David, and Josep Quer. 2001. The syntax and semantics of unselected embedded questions. Language 77: 107–133.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Alrenga, Peter. 2005. A sentential subject asymmetry in English and its implications for complement selection. Syntax 8: 175–207.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bayer, Samuel. 1990. Tough movement as function composition. In Proceedings of the 9th west coast conference on formal linguistics, ed. Aaron L. Halpern, 29–42. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bhatt, Rajesh, and Roumyana Pancheva. 2004. Late merger of degree clauses. Linguistic Inquiry 35: 1–45.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bhatt, Rajesh, and Roumyana Pancheva. 2007. Degree quantifiers, position of merger effects with their restrictors, and conservativity. In Direct compositionality, eds. Chris Barker and Pauline Jacobson, 306–335. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bresnan, Joan. 1995. Category mismatches. In Theoretical approaches to African linguistics, ed. Akiniyi Akinlabi, 19–45. Trenton: Africa World Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bruening, Benjamin. 2002. On wh movement. Lecture notes, University of Delaware. http://www.ling.udel.edu/bruening/Courses/2001-2/610/Lecture16.pdf. Accessed 1 February 2010.

  • Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on government and binding: the Pisa lectures. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, Noam. 1982. Some concepts and consequences of the theory of government and binding. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, Noam. 1993. A minimalist program for linguistic theory. In The view from Building 20: essays in linguistics in honor of Sylvain Bromberger, eds. Kenneth Hale and Samuel Jay Keyser, 1–52. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The minimalist program. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In Step by step: essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, eds. Roger Martin, David Michaels, and Juan Uriagereka, 89–155. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Ken Hale: a life in language, ed. Michael Kenstowicz, 1–52. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chung, Sandra, William A. Ladusaw, and James McCloskey. 1995. Sluicing and logical form. Natural Language Semantics 3: 239–282.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Davies, William, and Stanley Dubinsky. 1998. Sentential subjects as complex NPs: new reasons for an old account of Subjacency. In Proceedings from the main session of the 34th annual meeting of Chicago Linguistic Society, eds. M. Catherine Gruber, Derrick Higgins, Kenneth S. Olson, and Tamra Wysocki, 83–94. Chicago: University of Chicago, Chicago Linguistic Society.

    Google Scholar 

  • Davies, William, and Stanley Dubinsky. 1999. Functional structure and a parameter account of subject properties. In Proceedings of the 15th eastern states conference on linguistics, eds. Rebecca Daly and Anastasia Riehl, 48–59. Ithaca: Cornell University, CLC Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Davies, William, and Stanley Dubinsky. 2001. Functional architecture and the distribution of subject properties. In Objects and other subjects: grammatical functions, functional categories and configurationality, eds. William Davies and Stanley Dubinsky, 247–279. Dordrecht: Kluwer.

    Google Scholar 

  • Delahunty, Gerald. 1983. But sentential subjects do exist. Linguistic Analysis 12: 379–398.

    Google Scholar 

  • den Dikken, Marcel. 1995. Particles: on the syntax of verb-particle, triadic, and causative constructions. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Elbourne, Paul. 2001. E-type anaphora as NP-deletion. Natural Language Semantics 9: 241–288.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Elbourne, Paul. 2005. Situations and individuals. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Emonds, Joseph. 1976. A transformational approach to English syntax: root, structure-preserving, and local transformations. New York: Academic Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Emonds, Joseph. 1985. A unified theory of syntactic categories. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  • Epstein, Samuel David. 1989. Quantification in null operator constructions. Linguistic Inquiry 20: 647–658.

    Google Scholar 

  • Farudi, Annahita. 2007. An antisymmetric approach to Persian clausal complements. Manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. http://people.umass.edu/afarudi/GP%201%20Filed%20version%20.pdf. Accessed 1 February 2010.

  • Fox, Danny. 1999. Reconstruction, binding theory, and the interpretation of chains. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 157–196.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Fox, Danny. 2000. Economy and semantic interpretation. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fox, Danny. 2002. Antecedent-contained deletion and the copy theory of movement. Linguistic Inquiry 33: 63–96.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Fox, Danny, and Martin Hackl. 2006. The universal density of measurement. Linguistics and Philosophy 29: 537–586.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Fox, Danny, and Howard Lasnik. 2003. Successive-cyclic movement and island repair: the difference between sluicing and VP-ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 143–154.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Freidin, Robert. 1986. Fundamental issues in the theory of binding. In Defining the constraints, Vol. 1 of Studies in the acquisition of anaphora, ed. Barbara Lust, 151–188. Dordrecht: Reidel.

    Google Scholar 

  • Grimshaw, Jane. 1982. Subcategorization and grammatical relations. In Subjects and other subjects: proceedings of the Harvard conference on the representation of grammatical relations, ed. Annie Zaenen, 35–55. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club.

    Google Scholar 

  • Han, Jin Hye. 2005. A DP/NP-shell for subject CPs. In Proceedings of the 31st annual meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: general session and parasession on prosodic variation and change, eds. Rebecca T. Cover and Yuni Kim, 133–143. Berkeley: University of California, Berkeley Linguistics Society.

    Google Scholar 

  • Heim, Irene, and Angelika Kratzer. 1998. Semantics in generative grammar. Oxford: Blackwell.

    Google Scholar 

  • Heycock, Caroline. 1995. Asymmetries in reconstruction. Linguistic Inquiry 26: 547–570.

    Google Scholar 

  • Higgins, Roger. 1973. On J. Emonds’s analysis of extraposition. In Vol. 2 of Syntax and semantics, ed. John Kimball, 149–195. New York: Academic Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hintikka, Jaakko. 1962. Knowledge and belief. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hornstein, Norbert, and Amy Weinberg. 1981. Case theory and preposition stranding. Linguistic Inquiry 12: 55–91.

    Google Scholar 

  • Huang, James C.-T. 1993. Reconstruction and the structure of VP: some theoretical consequences. Linguistic Inquiry 24: 103–138.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jacobson, Pauline. 1992. The lexical entailment theory of control and the tough-construction. In Lexical matters, eds. Ivan Sag and Anna Szabolcsi, 269–299. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jacobson, Pauline. 2004. Direct compositionality: is there any reason why not? Paper presented at the workshop in linguistics and philosophy, University of Michigan.

  • Johnson, Kyle. 2004. Clausal edges and their effect on scope. In Peripheries: syntactic edges and their effects, eds. David Adger, Cécile De Cat, and George Tsoulas, 289–311. Dordrecht: Kluwer.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kaplan, Ronald, and Joan Bresnan. 1982. Lexical-functional grammar: a formal system for grammatical representation. In The mental representation of grammatical relations, ed. Joan Bresnan, 173–281. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Koster, Jan. 1978. Why subject sentences don’t exist. In Recent transformational studies in European languages, ed. Samuel Jay Keyser, 53–64. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kratzer, Angelika. 1977. What must and can must and can mean. Linguistics and Philosophy 1: 337–355.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kratzer, Angelika. 2006. Decomposing attitude verbs. Talk presented at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

  • Kuno, Susumu. 1973. Constraints on internal clauses and sentential subjects. Linguistic Inquiry 3: 363–385.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kuno, Susumu. 2004. Empathy and direct discourse perspectives. In The handbook of pragmatics, eds. Laurence Horn and Gregory Ward, 315–343. Malden: Blackwell.

    Google Scholar 

  • Landau, Idan. 2007. EPP extensions. Linguistic Inquiry 38: 485–523.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Lasnik, Howard. 1998. Some reconstruction riddles. In Proceedings of the 22nd annual Penn linguistics colloquium: University of Pennsylvania working papers in linguistics 5.1, eds. Alexis Dimitriadis, Hikyoung Lee, Christine Moisset, and Alexander Williams, 83–98. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Department of Linguistics, Penn Linguistics Club.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lasnik, Howard. 1999. Chains of arguments. In Working minimalism, eds. Samuel David Epstein and Norbert Hornstein, 189–215. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lasnik, Howard, and Mamoru Saito. 1992. Move α : conditions on its application and output. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lebeaux, David. 1988. Language acquisition and the form of grammar. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts,. Amherst.

  • Lebeaux, David. 1998. Where does binding theory apply? Technical report, NEC Research Institute, Inc., Princeton, N.J.

  • Merchant, Jason. 2001. The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Merchant, Jason. 2008. Variable island repair under ellipsis. In Topics in ellipsis, ed. Kyle Johnson, 132–153. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • McCarthy, Corrine. 2003. Reconstruction and Condition C: some unexpected symmetries. In McGill working papers in linguistics 18(2), eds. Theres Grüter and Tomokazu Takehisa, 25–44. Montreal: McGill University, Department of Linguistics.

    Google Scholar 

  • McCloskey, James. 1991. There, it, and agreement. Linguistic Inquiry 22: 563–567.

    Google Scholar 

  • Moulton, Keir. 2007a. Clausal complementation and the wager-class. Manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

  • Moulton, Keir. 2007b. Natural selection and the syntax of clausal complementation. Manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

  • Moulton, Keir. 2008. (Not) moving CPs. Manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

  • Postal, Paul. 1986. Studies of passive clauses. Albany: State University of New York Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Postal, Paul. 1994. Parasitic and pseudoparasitic gaps. Linguistic Inquiry 25: 63–117.

    Google Scholar 

  • Romero, Maribel. 1998. The correlation between scope reconstruction and connectivity effects. In Proceedings of the 16th west coast conference on formal linguistics, eds. Emily Curtis, James Lyle, and Gabriel Webster, 351–365. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rosenbaum, Peter. 1967. The grammar of English predicate complement constructions. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.

  • Ross, John Robert. 1969. Guess who? In Papers from the fifth regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, eds. Robert I. Binnick, Alice Davison, Georgia M. Green, and Jerry L. Morgan, 252–286. Chicago: University of Chicago, Chicago Linguistic Society.

    Google Scholar 

  • Roussou, Anna. 1991. Nominalized clauses in the syntax of Modern Greek. In Vol. 3 of UCL working papers in linguistics, ed. Hans van de Koot, 77–100. London: University College London, Department of Phonetics and Linguistics.

    Google Scholar 

  • Safir, Ken. 1999. Vehicle change and reconstruction. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 587–620.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Sauerland, Uli. 1998. The meaning of chains. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.

  • Sauerland, Uli. 2001. A contrast to a trace. In Proceedings of the 20th west coast conference on formal linguistics, eds. Karine Megerdoomian and Leora Anne Bar-el, 498–509. Somerville: Cascadilla Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sauerland, Uli. 2004. The interpretation of traces. Natural Language Semantics 12: 63–124.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Sauerland, Uli, and Paul Elbourne. 2002. Total reconstruction, PF movement, and derivational order. Linguistic Inquiry 33: 283–319.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Sportiche, Dominique. 2005. Division of labor between Merge and Move: strict locality of selection and apparent reconstruction paradoxes. In Proceedings of the workshop on Division of Linguistic Labor: the La Bretesche workshop, Los Angeles: University of California.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sportiche, Dominique. 2006. Reconstruction, binding, and scope. In Vol. IV of The Blackwell companion to syntax, eds. Martin Everaert and Henk van Riemsdijk, 35–93. Oxford: Blackwell.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Stowell, Timothy. 1981. Origins of phrase structure. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.

  • Takahashi, Shoichi. 2006. Decompositionality and identity. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.

  • Takahashi, Shoichi. 2008. Variable binding in temporal adverbial clauses: evidence from ellipsis. In Proceedings of the 26th west coast conference on formal linguistics, eds. Hannah Haynie and Charles Chang, 445–453. Somerville: Cascadilla Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Takahashi, Shoichi, and Sarah Hulsey. 2009. Wholesale late merger: beyond the A/Ā-distinction. Linguistic Inquiry 40: 387–426.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Takano, Yuji. 1995. Predicate fronting and internal subjects. Linguistic Inquiry 26: 327–340.

    Google Scholar 

  • van Riemsdijk, Henk, and Edwin Williams. 1981. NP-structure. The Linguistic Review 1: 171–217.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • von Fintel, Kai, Danny Fox, and Sabine Iatridou. 2005. Definiteness as maximal informativeness. Manuscript, MIT.

  • Webelhuth, Gert. 1992. Principles and parameters of syntactic saturation. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Weisler, Steven. 1982. Coordination and the syntax of that-clauses. In University of Massachusetts occasional papers in cognitive science, eds. Alan Prince and Steven Weisler, 113–133. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, GLSA Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Williams, Edwin. 1981. Argument structure and morphology. The Linguistic Review 1: 81–114.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Shoichi Takahashi.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Cite this article

Takahashi, S. The hidden side of clausal complements. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 28, 343–380 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-010-9091-3

Download citation

  • Received:

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-010-9091-3

Keywords

Navigation