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Reconceptualizing Mass Atrocity Prevention: Understanding Risk and Resilience in Zambia

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Abstract

In the scholarly research on genocide and other mass atrocities, very little is known about why such violence does not occur, particularly in places where risk exists. This is despite the general consensus in comparative genocide studies that long-term risk is a necessary but not sufficient factor in the perpetration of such atrocities. In other words, risk factors can plausibly exist without escalating into mass violence. This article seeks to redress this neglect by providing an analysis of the relationship between risk and resilience in Zambia. Zambia stands out amongst its neighbours for its absence of mass atrocities, yet it has contended with three preconditions commonly associated with such violence—ethnolinguistic tensions, limited democracy and economic inequality. Using a new analytical approach which explores not only the structural causes of mass atrocities but also domestic strategies that have had a protective effect in relation to such risk, this paper argues that understanding the sources of resilience in countries like Zambia not only provides valuable insights into the effective long-term prevention of mass atrocities but also challenges widely accepted assumptions inherent in the concept of long-term prevention.

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Notes

  1. Mass atrocities refer to the following crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing.

  2. In relation to mass atrocities, two recent exceptions to this are worth noting: Mayersen and McLoughlin (2011); and Strauss (2012), ‘Retreating from the brink: theorizing mass violence and the dynamics of restraint’, Perspectives in Politics, 10, 2 (June 2012), pp. 343–362.

  3. Because the link between root causes and mass atrocities is tenuous, in this article I will shift from using the term root causes, in favour of ‘preconditions’, a term which I believe more accurately reflects the ambiguity of their causal relationship with mass atrocities.

  4. Titled ‘Responsibility to protect: state responsibility and prevention’ (2013), this report was produced by the Secretary-General for the purpose of exploring the dimension of state responsibility in protecting their populations from mass atrocity crimes.

  5. Three authors have explored Zambia’s ‘exceptionalism’ in terms of its avoidance of civil war: P. J. Burnell (2005), J. DiJohn (2010), and S. Lindemann (2010). This article distinguishes itself from these sources in two ways: first, it focuses on risk specifically related to mass atrocities, and second, it argues that risk mitigation is a product of both inclusive leadership and civil society activism, whereas these three sources focus principally on the behaviour of elites.

  6. For atrocities in Angola, see Harff (2004: 60); for atrocities in Mozambique, see Finnegan (1992); an account of recent atrocities in Zimbabwe can be found in Godwin (2011); a detailed account of atrocities committed in the DRC, post-1994 can be found in Prunier (2011).

  7. Now known as Namibia.

  8. Lozi is the language spoken in Western Province, formerly known as Barotseland.

  9. As demonstrated by the PITF.

  10. This can be found on Zambia’s coat of arms.

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McLoughlin, S. Reconceptualizing Mass Atrocity Prevention: Understanding Risk and Resilience in Zambia. Int J Polit Cult Soc 27, 427–441 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-014-9175-x

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