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Perceiving and Communicating Environmental Contamination and Change: Towards a Green Cultural Criminology with Images

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Abstract

In this article, we will respond to recent calls for a ‘green cultural criminology’ by attempting to open the way for new visual explorations of environmental harms and crimes, and by suggesting some methodological perspectives that can be advanced by the use and analysis of the photographic image. To demonstrate the power, potential and possibility—as well as some potential limitations—of a green cultural criminology with images, we draw on two ethnographic studies carried out in Huelva (Spain) and central Appalachia (United States). The described methods have the advantage of (1) bringing together the multiple and complex experiences of those who live in polluted areas; (2) considering the cultural meaning given to experiences of ecological change and destruction; and (3) exploring how those experiences are represented, communicated and understood. We conclude with a call to use qualitative visual approaches for carrying out research in an emergent green cultural criminology designed to develop a complex understanding of the multiple forms of environmental harms and crimes.

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Notes

  1. While this article is a collaborative endeavor, it draws heavily on two distinct field-based research projects: Natali’s, conducted in Huelva, Spain, and McClanahan’s, conducted in the Appalachian region of the United States.

  2. Without becoming a single unity, these approaches come together within an emerging broad perspective (see, e.g., South et al. 2013: 28; White 2008: 14; see also Halsey 2004: 834; Lynch and Stretesky 2003; Walters 2010; White 2011).

  3. Elsewhere, Ferrell et al. (2015: 211) explain, “As developed by the great sociologist Max Weber, the concept of verstehen denotes the subjective or appreciative understanding of others’ actions and motivations—a deeply felt understandingessential for fully comprehending their lives”.

  4. For a more thorough discussion of the affective dimensions of human-ecology relationships, see generally Debarbieux and Rudaz (2015) and Frierson (2006). For a discussion of empathic relationships between humans and other animals, see generally Adams and Donovan (1995) and Donovan and Adams (2007).

  5. Despite the necessity of visual imagination and communication argued here, we should be mindful of the problems of “ocularcentrism,” discussed by Jay (1995), Bartram (2004), Macpherson (2006) and others.

  6. As Brisman and South (2014: 9, 16) note, cultural criminology is deeply concerned with meaning. The meaning of images, of course, is of great significance for the green-cultural criminological framework. A distinctly visual green-cultural criminological framework, though, must not only be attentive to the meaning of an image itself, but to the meaning of the conditions of its production.

  7. In visual sociology, photo elicitation has become a familiar, if underused, qualitative method. John Collier (1967) first describes the use of this method in research on rural assimilation into urban centres in Canada.

  8. In this way, a hybrid green-cultural-visual victimology would be able to explore “the symbolic environments created by victims […] as they come to terms with their experiences” (Ferrell et al. 2015: 234–235) and, for this very reason, would become a significant method “to account for meaning, situation, and representation, and to confront the harms of injustice and inequality” (Ferrell et al. 2015: 231).

  9. The interviews were carried out in the streets, in bars and in shops, and entailed asking people who were in the various areas of the town if they were willing to participate. The decision was not to have a statistical sample of the inhabitants of Huelva: in a symbolic interactionist perspective “a small number of well-informed informants are […] a better sample than much larger samples of minimally involved subjects” (Harper 2001: 27). In fact, the purpose was not to generalize from the empirical results, but to focus on and propose some “sensitizing” perspectives (Blumer 1969) suitable for the observation of “sensitive” environments. The interviewees in this study ranged in age from 18 to 90 and were both male and female.

  10. Van de Voorde (2012: 207) writes: “Barthes (1981) and Sontag (1977) further suggest a visual semiotics attuned to the layering of meanings, with denotation focusing on what or who is depicted, and connotation emphasizing the various ideas and values that are expressed through the content and structure of representation.”

  11. The expression “social object” refers to the radical interactionist perspective that informs this approach (see Athens 2007; Blumer 1969; Mead 1963/1934; Natali 2016a, b, c, in press).

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Natali, L., McClanahan, B. Perceiving and Communicating Environmental Contamination and Change: Towards a Green Cultural Criminology with Images. Crit Crim 25, 199–214 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-017-9356-9

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