Abstract
The paper studies the impact of inter-governmental political relations on illegal resource extraction in a federal setup. In a stylized model, a corruptible sub-national politician accepts bribes from a private miner to allow under-reporting of mineral extraction and evasion of royalty payment. The probability that a mine is audited by a national audit agency increases with the extent of illegal mining. In addition, when the audit agency is politicized, the probability of audit declines with the political weight of the politician in the ruling national coalition government. We find that there is an endogenous threshold political weight beyond (below) which greater politicization of the audit agency leads to higher (lower) illegal mining. The threshold weight increases with the rate of fine on royalty evasion but decreases with the rate of royalty itself. The model also suggests that there is no unambiguous relationship between economic distortions in the form of illegal mining and the degree of rent extraction through bribes. As the audit agency becomes more politicized, the possibility of higher illegal mining but lower bribes or lower illegal mining but higher bribes cannot be ruled out.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
A growing body of the resource curse literature looks at sub-national institutional indicators as an important transmission channel. For instance in a recent paper, Libman (2013) uses a sample of regions from the Russian Federation between 2000 and 2006 to show that resources have a positive effect on growth in non-democratic regimes, but not in democratic regimes within the country.
Thus, it is argued that although district-specific environmental taxes set by the federal government are optimal when governments maximize social welfare (accounting for transboundary pollution and heterogeneity in pollution damage across districts), uniform federal policies across districts (states) or decentralized policies may be socially optimal when governments exhibit majority bias.
It is difficult to get systematic statistics on illegal mining. We used the responses of ministers to questions raised in the Lower House of the Parliament of India to collate statistics on the number of reported cases of illegal mining between 2009 and 2012 (Lok Sabha starred question number 189 and unstarred question number 2887). The political weight of a state in the central coalition was calculated as the number of seats it contributed to the ruling coalition in the Lower House after the 2009 general elections. For the top 10 mineral-rich states of the country, there ia a positive correlation between the two variables, however, given the limited number of observations and the unreliability of statistics on illegal mining, it is difficult to draw any robust inferences from this data.
Illegal extraction and the resulting loss of royalty revenue to the exchequer itself can be said to constitute the basis for a resource curse. Collier (2010) argues that excessive production and accompanying social/environmental externality is one of the forms of the resource curse especially where production is not matched by royalty revenue.
However, Triesman (2002) cautions that the relation between decentralization and corruption based on arguments of decentralized checks and balances can cut both ways.
Cai and Treisman (2004) model a federal structure with two levels of self-interested governments in which the role of the central government to enforce regulation or audit compliance is endogenized. They find that when regional governments compete for capital by shielding firms from central regulation, the resulting central law enforcement effort itself may turn out to be less than socially optimal. While the focus of their paper (a comparison of centralized vs. decentralized tax policy) is different from ours, it provides a useful result for this analysis—that the central governments ability to correct sub-national distortions is imperfect and should be considered endogenous in federal systems.
Amidst growing public and judicial concern about illegal mining in the country the central government constituted an independent commission in 2010 to investigate large-scale illegal mining of iron ore and manganese ore in the state of Goa, the largest exporter of iron ore in the country. The Commission pegged the loss due to illegal mining to the tune of Rs 35,000 crore (USD 5 Billion) in the state of Goa alone.
This literature has examined the link between corruption/rent-seeking and various institutional aspects including electoral rules (proportional representation vs single-member plurality systems) presidentialism vs. parliamentarism, number of veto players, the degree of political polarization, democratization, and federalism.
See Sandmo (2005) for a discussion on the probability of audit and some of the other main themes in the theory of tax evasion.
There may be other costs such as fines imposed on the politician by the judiciary, however, we assume that the politician is more concerned about political losses.
Throughout this paper, the parentheses ‘()’is used for multiplication while ‘[]’ is used for arguments of a function.
We assume that the difference between the quantity extracted (Q) and reported (R) is exported out of the state.
Bargaining weights may not be equal in reality. For instance, if the miner has paid large bribes to procure the mining contract in the first place, his bargaining power may be higher vis-a-vis the politician. Also, the bargaining power of the politician may itself be a function of how much weight he wields in the central coalition. To keep matters tractable, we assume equal bargaining powers in the present model.
The miner’s outside option in the event of no agreement will be equivalent to profit in Case 1 if we assume that he can under-report without the cooperation of the politician. If on the other hand, under-reporting is possible only with the cooperation of the politician, then the outside option will be equivalent to the socially optimal case where \(R=Q\).
The authors use an index of governance which measures the partiality, corruption, and effectiveness of government services and study its effect on a measure of sub-national environmental efficiency (based on measures of three pollutants \(-{\mathrm{CO}}_2, {\mathrm{CH}}_4 \ {\mathrm{and }} \ {\mathrm{N}}{_2}{\mathrm{O}}\)) in 36 regions in France, Germany, and the UK.
Qualitatively these comparative static results also hold for Case 2 discussed above and are left out in the previous section for brevity.
We differentiate with respect to \(\beta\) since it captures the change in regime from the case where the center (via its audit agency) is not politicized to the one where it is.
References
Ackerman R (1999) Political corruption and democracy. Faculty scholarship series paper 592, Yale law school
Amacher GS, Koskela E, Ollikainen M (2007) Royalty reform and illegal reporting of harvest volumes under alternative penalty schemes. Environ Resour Econ 38:18917211
Amacher GS, Ollikainen M, Koskela E (2012) Corruption and forest concessions. J Environ Econ Manag 63:9217104
Andersson KP, Ostrom E (2008) Analyzing decentralized resource regimes from a polycentric perspective. Policy Sci 41(1):71–93
Andersen JJ, Johannesen N, Lassen DD, Paltseva E (2013) Petro rents and hidden wealth: evidence from bank deposits in tax havens. 17 CAMP working paper series no 7/2013, Centre for applied macro and petroleum economics, Norway
Agnew JD, Pearce J, Pramod G, Peatman T, Watson R, Beddington JR, Pitcher TJ (2009) Estimating the worldwide extent of illegal fishing. Plos One 4(2):1–8
Arulampalam W, Dasgupta S, Dhillon A, Dutta B (2009) Electoral goals and center-state transfers: a theoretical model and empirical evidence from India. J Dev Econ 88:103–119
Aslaksen S (2007) Corruption and oil: evidence from panel data, mimeo. Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Economics, Trondheim
Bartley T, Andersson K, Jagger P, Van Laerhoven F (2008) The contribution of institutional theories to explaining decentralization of natural resource governance. Soc Nat Resour 21(2):160–174
Barbier EB, Damania R, Leonard D (2005) Corruption, trade and resource conversion. J Environ Econ Manag 50:27617299
Bhattacharyya S, Hodler R (2010) Natural resources, democracy, and corruption. Eur Econ Rev 54:608–621
Boex J, Martinez-Vazquez J (2006) The determinants of the incidence of intergovernmental grants: a survey of the international experience. Andrew young school of policy studies, research paper series, working paper 06–52, March 2005
Brosio G, Jimenez JP (2012) The Intergovernmental assignment of revenue from natural resources: a difficult balance between centripetal and centrifugal tendencies. In: Brosio G, Jimenez JP (eds) Decentralization and reform in Latin America: improving intergovernmental relations. Edward Elgar, United Nations
Cai H, Treisman D (2004) State corroding federalism. J Publ Econ 88(3174):81917843
Caselli F, Michaels G (2013) Do oil windfalls improve living standards? Evidence from Brazil. Am Econ J Appl Econ 5(1):208–238
Collier P (2010) The political economy of natural resources. Soc Res 77–4:1105–1132
Collier P, Goderis B (2007) Commodity prices, growth, and the natural resource curse: reconciling a conundrum. Paper 274, The Centre for the Study of African economies working paper series, Oxford University
Collier P, Hoeffler A (2009) Testing the neocon agenda: democracy in resource-rich societies. Eur Econ Rev 53(3):293–308
Cullen R (1990) The encounter between natural resources and federalism in Canada and Australia. Univ Br Columb Law Rev 24:275–306
Damania R (2002) Environmental controls with corrupt bureaucrats. Environ Dev Econ 7(3):407–427
Damania R, Fredriksson PG, Muthukumara M (2004) The persistence of corruption and regulatory compliance failures: theory and evidence. Publ Choice 12:363–390
Desai RM, Freinkman GI (2005) Fiscal federalism in rentier regions: evidence from Russia. J Comp Econ 33:814–834
Fischer C (2007) International experience with benefit-sharing instruments for extractive resources. Resources for the future. http://www.environmentportal.in/files/RFF-Rpt-BenefitSharing
Fredrikkson PG, Matschke X, Minier J (2010) Environmental policy in majoritarian systems. J Environ Econ Manag 59(2):177–191
Halkos GE, Sundstrm A, Tzeremes NG (2015) Regional environmental performance and governance quality: a nonparametric analysis. Environ Econ Policy Stud. doi:10.1007/s10018-015-0106-5
ISID (2013) Emerging issues in Indias mineral sector. Institute for studies in industrial development, New Delhi, India. Study sponsored by planning commission, government of India
Khemani S (2007) Does delegation of fiscal policy to an independent agency make a difference? Evidence from intergovernmental transfers in India. J Dev Econ 82:464–484
Kolstad I, Wiig A (2009) It’s the rents, stupid! The political economy of the resource curse. Energy Policy 37(12):5317–5325
Larson AM, Soto F (2008) Decentralization of natural resource governance regimes. Annu Rev Environ Resour 33:2131739
Leite C, Weidmann J (1999) Does mother nature corrupt? Natural resources, corruption and economic growth. IMF working paper WP/99/85, Washington DC, International Monetary Fund
Libman A (2013) Natural resources and sub-national economic performance: Does sub-national democracy matter? Energy Econ 37:821799
Mehlum H, Moene K, Torvik R (2006) Institutions and the resource curse. Econ J 116:1–20
Mookherjee D, Bardhan P (2005) Decentralization, corruption and government accountability: an overview. Boston University, Department of Economics, working papers series WP 2005-023
österblom, H, Sumaila RU, Bodin O, Sundberg JH (2010) Adapting to regional enforcement: fishing down the governance index. Plos One 5(9):1178
Petermann A, Guzmn JI, Tilton JE (2007) Mining and corruption. Resour Policy 32:91–103
Repetto R, Gillis M (1988) Public policies and the misuse of forest resources. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p 432
Rao MG, Singh N (2001) The political economy of center-state fiscal transfers in India. Working paper no. 107, September 2001, Centre for research on economic development and policy reform, Stanford University
Ribot JC (2002) Democratic decentralization of natural resources: institutionalizing popular participation. World Resources Institute
Robinson JA, Torvik R, Verdier T (2006) The political foundations of the resource curse. J Dev Econ 79:447–468
Rodden J, Eskeland GS, Litvack J (2003) Introduction and overview. In: Eskeland GS, Litvack J, Rodden J (eds) Fiscal decentralization and the challenge of hard budget constraints, MIT Press, Cambridge
Sandmo A (2005) The theory of tax evasion: a retrospective view. Natl Tax J LVIII 4:643–663
Shah MB (2012) Illegal mining in the state of Goa. Report of the commission of enquiry for illegal mining of iron ore and manganese set up by the government of India
Shackleton S, Campbell B, Wollenberg E, Edmunds D (2002) Devolution and community-bases natural resource management: creating space for local people to participate and benefit? Natl Resour Perspect (ODI) 76:1–6
Smith RJ, Walpole MJ (2005) Should conservationists pay more attention to corruption? Oryx 39:251–256
Smith J, Obidzinski K, Subarudi Suramenggala I (2003) Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. Int For Rev 5(3):29317302
Transparency International (2007) Corruption and renewable natural resources, working paper 01/2007
Treisman D (2002) Decentralization and the quality of government. Unpublished manuscript, University of California, Los Angeles
Vigneault M (2007) Grants and soft budget constraints. In: Boadway R, Shah A (eds) Intergovernmental fiscal transfers: principles and practice. The World Bank
Vincente P (2010) Does oil corrupt? Evidence from a natural experiment in West Africa. J Dev Econ 92(1):28–38
Wilson JK, Damania R (2005) Corruption, political competition and environmental policy. J Environ Econ Manag 49(3):516–535
Wright SJ, Azofeifa AS, Quintero CP, Davies D (2007) Poverty and corruption compromise tropical forest reserves. Ecol Appl 17:1259171266
Acknowledgments
This paper constitutes part of the author’s doctoral research at the Center for Trade and Development, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. The author is grateful to Prof. Meeta K Mehra, Prof. Indira Rajaraman and two anonymous reviewers whose suggestions have helped to improve this paper considerably. Usual disclaimers apply.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Appendices
Appendix 1 Second-order conditions
Case 2: Illegal mining when the politician is corrupt
The levels of the bribe and reported extraction are determined through the Nash Product (\(\Psi =M*P\)) where as defined in Eqs. (4) and (5),
It is straightforward to see that \(\Psi _B =-P+(1-a)M\) and \(\Psi _{BB}= -2(1-a)<0\). Similarly, \(\Psi _R =PM_{RR}+MP_{RR}+2M_RP_R\), and by using the first-order conditions, Eqs. (7) and (8), it can be shown that \(\Psi _{RR}= M(-2\lambda _If +aG''(rp)^2)-2(M_R)^2 \frac{P}{M}<0\). Similarly, it can shown that \(\Psi _{BB}*\Psi _{RR}=-2(1-a)M(-2\lambda _If +aG''(rp)^2) +4(1-a)^2(M_R)^2 > 4(1-a)^2(M_R)^2 = \Psi _{BR}*\Psi _{RB}\)
In the second stage of the game, it can be shown that \(M_{QQ}=-C''-2\lambda _If(1-R_Q)<0\). This follows from the concavity of the cost function and \(R_Q <1\). The latter can be derived from Eq. (8) using the implicit function rule as follows:
Appendix 2 Comparing illegal mining in Case 1 versus Case 2
Totally differentiating (11) and (12), with respect to S, we get the following simultaneous set of equations in matrix notation:
Using Cramer’s rule, it can be shown that \(\frac{{\mathrm{d}}Q}{{\mathrm{d}}\xi }= \frac{J_1}{J} >0\) and \(\frac{{\mathrm{d}}R}{{\mathrm{d}}\xi }= \frac{J_2}{J} >0\), where J is the determinant of the coefficient matrix and is given by \(-2\xi aG''(rp)^2 +C''\frac{2\lambda _If-a\xi G''(rp)^2}{\lambda _If} > 0\). \(J_1\) is the determinant of the matrix obtained by replacing the first column of the coefficient matrix with the r.h.s of (20) and can be solved into \(\left( \xi aG''(rp)^2\frac{g}{f}+2aG'rp \right)\) which can be assumed to \(>0\) if the first-order effect dominates. Similarly, \(J_2\) is the determinant of the matrix obtained by replacing the second column of the coefficient matrix with the r.h.s of (20) and can be solved into \(\left( 2aG'(rp)+ C'' \frac{aG'rp +\lambda _IK}{\lambda _If}\right) >0\). Finally, using these results, it can be shown that \(\frac{{\rm d}I}{{\rm d}\xi }=\frac{{\rm d}Q}{{\rm d}\xi }-\frac{{\rm d}R}{{\rm d}\xi } = \frac{1}{J}\left[ a\xi G''(rp)^2\frac{g}{f} -(aG'rp +\lambda _IK)\frac{C''}{\lambda _If}\right] <0 .\)
Appendix 3 Comparative statics with respect to the degree of politicization of the audit agency
Totally differentiating Eqs. (15), (14), and (13), with respect to the parameter \(\beta\), we get the following system of equations in matrix notation,
Using Cramer’s rule, it can be shown that \(\frac{{\rm d}Q}{{\rm d}\beta }= \frac{J_2}{J}\lessgtr 0\), depending on \(w \gtrless \bar{w}\), and \(\frac{{\rm d}R}{{\rm d}\beta }= \frac{J_3}{J}\gtrless 0\) depending on \(w \gtrless \bar{w}\), where
-
\(\bar{w}= 1- \frac{rp(1-aG')}{f}.\)
-
J is the determinant of the coefficient matrix and is given by \(-2aG''(rp)^2 + C''(2\beta i_If - a G''(rp)^2) > 0.\)
-
\(J_2\) is the determinant of the matrix obtained by replacing the second column of the coefficient matrix with the r.h.s of (21) and can be solved into \(aG''(rp)^2 \frac{-(1-w)f +rp(1-aG')}{\beta ^2 i_If}.\)
-
\(J_3\) is the determinant of the matrix obtained by replacing the third column of the coefficient matrix with the r.h.s of (21) and can be solved into \(C'' \frac{-(1-w)f +rp(1-aG')}{\beta ^2 i_If}.\)
About this article
Cite this article
Datt, D. Inter-governmental political relations in a federation and illegal mining of natural resources. Environ Econ Policy Stud 18, 557–576 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10018-015-0123-4
Received:
Accepted:
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10018-015-0123-4