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Estimating noncooperative and cooperative models of bargaining: an empirical comparison

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Abstract

This paper examines the issue of model selection in studies of strategic situations. In particular, we compare estimation results from a noncooperative formulation of government formulation à la (Baron and Ferejohn in Am Poli Sci Rev 87:34–47, 1989) with those from two alternative cooperative formulations (Nash in Econometrica 18:155–162, 1950; Shapley and Shubik in Am Poli Sci Rev 48:787–792, 1954). Although the estimates of the ministerial ranking are similar, statistical testing suggests that the noncooperative formulation is best fitted to the observed data among the alternative models. This result implies that modeling the noncooperative structure in bargaining situations is crucially important at the risk of possibly misspecifying the details of the game.

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Notes

  1. The Nash solution concept is axiomatically constructed, and thus is free of negotiation procedure. See, e.g., Okada (2010) for a noncooperative foundation for the Nash solution and Okada (2007) for its application.

  2. When a symmetric two-person Nash solution is analyzed, the maxmin values or the Nash equilibrium is customarily set as a breakdown point. However, such good ways do not exist to model the breakdown situation in the analysis of asymmetric \(n\)-person Nash solution.

  3. See Hu (2006) for an extension of the Shapley–Shubik power index.

  4. Note that a voter here is a party. Considering the reality, it would be more natural that a member of parliament, not a party, has a vote. We assume a hypothetical situation where each party as a whole decides on its vote, binding its members’ decisions.

  5. How the distribution of party size affects the determination of \( v_{i}^{SS}(W)\) is understood in the following example. Suppose that there are four parties with \(W=(40,25,20,15)\). In the grand coalition formation starting party \(1\), followed by parties \(2\), \(3\), and \(4\) (this is one permutation), party \(2\) is pivotal and the winning coalition consists of parties \(1\) and \(2\), if the simple majority rule is employed. Party \(i\)’s Shapley–Shubik power index is the average of it being pivotal of all permutations.

  6. It is obvious that \(v_{i}^{SS}(W)\) also depends on the majority quota rule (for example, the rule can require that more than two thirds, rather than half, of all votes be necessary for a winning coalition). We assume the simple majority within the ruling party of the data period (a faction of the party is a player of the bargaining game; see 3.4 below). We later consider the robustness of our empirical results by checking the case of the simple majoriy within all parliamentary members of the lower house, which is given a decisive power by law (see 4.4.1 below).

  7. Hart and Mas-Colell (1996), Laruelle and Valenciano (2008), Miyakawa (2008), Britz et al. (2010) and Predtetchinski (2011), among others, study the asymptotic coincidence of a noncorporative equilibrium to a cooperative solution. In particular, stationary subgame perfect equilibria in a \(n\)-player game where a proposer drops from the game with a small probability if the agreement is not reached converge to asymmetric Nash solution with each player’s recognition probability being his or her power index.

  8. See, e.g., Okada (2011) and Kawamori (2013) for recent extensions of Baron and Ferejohn (1989) model. Ray (2007) is an excellent survey of the noncooperative theory for coalition formation.

  9. Eraslan (2002, p. 15) shows that proposer \(i\)’s stationary equilibrium payoff, \(v_{i}^{*}\), is obtained by

    $$\begin{aligned} \left\{ \begin{array}{l} \underset{(z_{j})_{j\ne i}}{\!\!\!\!\!\max }1-\sum _{j\ne i}z_{j}v_{j}^{*} \\ \text {subject to }\sum _{j\ne i}=q-1 \\ z_{j}\in \{0,1\}\text {,} \end{array}\right. \end{aligned}$$

    where \(q=n/2\) (when \(n\) is even) or \(q=(n+1)/2\) (\(n\) is odd), and \( v_{j}^{*}\) is nonproposer \(j\)’s stationary equilibrium payoff (\( v_{j}^{*}=\delta p_{j}\) if \(j\) is such that \(z_{j}=1\), and \(v_{j}^{*}=0\) if \(j\) is such that \(z_{j}=0\)). Clearly, there are some players who gain nothing if the unanimous agreement is not implemented.

  10. Admittedly, the specification of bargaining power is a “reduced form” because we do not model how it is determined in bargaining models. However, our main results seem robust to alternative specifications. We are grateful to one of the referees for making us realize this issue.

  11. See also McDonald (1984, p. 653, eq.(14)). We believe that there is a typo in equation (14); \(p+q\) in the denominator should be \(p+q-1\).

  12. Note that we use the information on ex-post payoffs (i.e., after a proposer is selected). If we use functional forms of ex-ante payoffs, the scale effect parameter \(\alpha \) would be identified from the probability of becoming a proposer given the party size distribution. However, the identification of \(\delta \) would not be guaranteed.

  13. During the period of the study, although the Prime Minister and the Cabinet Secretary were often occupied by the same party, there were still four exceptions (out of 44 government formations).

  14. The page’s URL is: http://hpcgi2.nifty.com/TOMOMI/index-e.cgi (last accessed: November 2013).

  15. Because the LDP attained a majority in the Lower House during the period of this study, this assumption is natural. See Appendix A of Adachi and Watanabe (2008) for details.

  16. On the other hand, Ono (2012) uses detailed data on LDP leaders’ factions to empirically argue that they took tougher stance on ministerial allocation when their political positions were more stable.

  17. As in Adachi and Watanabe (2008), the standard errors are calculated using the bootstrap method. The number of iteration is 500.

  18. Notice that the values of log likelihood in Table 2 are positive. In Adachi and Watanabe (2008), it is incorrectly reported as a negative value. The reported estimates in Adachi and Watanabe (2008) are modified by Adachi and Watanabe (2010): the latter reestimates the model with the corrected data.

  19. See, e.g., Greene (2008, pp. 498–500) and Wooldridge (2010, p. 481).

  20. The chi-square values at different significance levels are given by \(2.7055\) (\(10\%), 3.8415 (5\,\%\)), and \(6.6349\) (\(1\%\)).

  21. See, e.g., Greene (2008, pp. 140–142) and Wooldridge (2010, pp. 505–509).

  22. In calculating these numbers with the help of Tomoki Matsui’s website (see Footnote 14), we assume the total number of LDP politicians is \(280\): the mean number of LDP politicians in the Lower House in each term is \(280.78\) (with the total number being \(18\)): the Prime Minister’s faction has \(84\) politicians, while each of the other factions have \(28\) politicians.

  23. We owe this idea to Yusaku Horiuchi.

  24. The likelihood statistics are calculated as \(21.8236\) (Adachi and Watanabe), \(21.8305\) (Nash), and \(19.3363\) (Shapley and Shubik), respectively. These values are all greater than \(11.34\) (at the \(1\%\) significance level with the degree of freedom being three).

  25. Japan adopts a parliamentary regime with a bicameral legislature. If the House of Councilors (the upper house) and the House of Representatives (the lower house) disagree on the designation for 10 days, the latter’s decision is enforced.

  26. For example, Ramseyer and Rosenbluth (1993:211) cite an interview with one faction leader of the LDP faction who answered that factions were not distinguishable based on policy areas.

  27. See, e.g., Merlo and Wilson (1995, 1998), Merlo (1997), and Hanazono and Watanabe (2012) for bargaining models with equilibrium delays.

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Acknowledgments

We thank Bernd Fitzenberger (editor-in-charge), an associate edtior, and three anonymous referees for helpful comments and thoughtful suggestions. We are also grateful to Dong-Geun Han, Toshiyuki Hirai, Yusaku Horiuchi, Takeshi Iida, Kohei Kawaguchi, Toshiji Miyakawa, Shigeo Muto, Ryo Nakajima, Akira Okada, Ryo Okui, Yoshikuni Ono, Yosuke Sunahara, Yasutora Watanabe, Takehiko Yamato, Yoshifumi Yokota, Takehito Yoshida, and participants at the 2011 Game Theory Workshop (at Nagoya University), at the 2011 Conference of the Korea Economics and Business Association, at the 2011 Japanese-German Frontiers of Science Symposium, at the 2011 Fall Meeting of the Japan Association for Applied Economics, at the 2013 Annual Meeting of the Japanese Association of Electoral Studies, and in a seminar at Waseda University for invaluable comments and suggestions. Adachi acknowledges a financial support from the Zengin Foundation for Studies on Economics and Finance and a Grant-in-Aid for Young Scientists (B) from the Japanese Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, and Culture (21730184, 24730205). This paper is based on Mitsutsune’s master thesis (at Shigeo Muto’s Laboratory) submitted to the Tokyo Institute of Technology in March, 2011. Any remaining errors are our own. The views and opinions in this paper are strictly ours and they do not necessarily reflect those of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government.

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Appendices

Appendix A

The Nash solution is characterized as follows. Notice first that

$$\begin{aligned}&\underset{v}{\max }\quad \prod _{i=1}^{n}(v_{i}-c_{i})^{b_{i}} \\&\Leftrightarrow \underset{v}{\max } \sum _{i=1}^{n}b_{i}\log (v_{i}-c_{i}). \end{aligned}$$

Using the normalization \(\sum _{i=1}^{n}v_{i}=1\), we can rewrite the expression above as

$$\begin{aligned} \underset{v}{\max }\sum _{i=1}^{n-1}b_{i}\log (v_{i}-c_{i})+b_{n}\log \left( 1-\sum _{i=1}^{n-1}v_{i}-c_{n}\right) . \end{aligned}$$

By solving this maximization problem, we have

$$\begin{aligned} \frac{\partial }{\partial v_{i}}\left( \sum _{i=1}^{n-1}b_{i}\log (v_{i}-c_{i})+b_{n}\log (1-\sum _{i=1}^{n-1}-c_{n})\right) =0, \end{aligned}$$

which leads to the desired result:

$$\begin{aligned} \frac{v_{i}-c_{i}}{b_{i}}-\frac{v_{n}-c_{n}}{b_{n}}=0 \end{aligned}$$

for each \(i=1,..,n-1\).

Appendix B

In this appendix, we briefly describe institutional and noninstitutional characteristics of government formation of Japan during the period of 1958 to 1993 (see Appendix A of Adachi and Watanabe (2008) for more details). We below focus on the features that are incorporated into our modeling of cooperative and noncooperative bargaining games.

The forming process of a new government (i.e., a cabinet) with a new Prime Minister begins when s/he is designated by the legislature.Footnote 25 Then, s/he selects the cabinet members. Finally, the Emperor appoints him or her as the Prime Minister. The following characteristics are considered in modeling our bargaining games.

  • The process of choosing a Prime Minister and the cabinet formation was an internal process within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) . This is because, during the period between 1955 and 1993, the LDP maintained a majority in the House of Representatives, and the Prime Minister-designates were always LDP presidents.

  • LDP factions played the main role in government formation. No LDP faction left the LDP, and LDP factions of significant size obtained cabinet posts in most of the cabinets. Thus, both in cooperative and noncooperative bargaining models, we assume that players are factions of the LDP. In estimation, we use the variation in the faction size within the LDP.

  • LDP factions had few differences with respect to their preferences on policy issues. Footnote 26 We thus assume that a minister’s weight, \(\beta _{j}\), is common for all factions.

  • Delays were not important in the cabinet formation.All of the cabinets were formed within 3 days following the selection of a Prime Minister-designate. Thus, we do not consider bargaining models that generate equilibrium delays.Footnote 27

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Mitsutsune, M., Adachi, T. Estimating noncooperative and cooperative models of bargaining: an empirical comparison. Empir Econ 47, 669–693 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00181-013-0755-9

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