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Gender Bias in Parental Leave: Evidence from Sweden

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Abstract

This paper estimates the effect of child gender on mothers’ and fathers’ parental leave using population-wide register data from Statistics Sweden and the Swedish Social Insurance Agency. The results showed that a first-born son increased fathers’ parental leave with 0.6 days (1.5 %) and decreased mothers’ leave by a similar amount. Both the sign and size of this effect is in line with previous research, showing that these types of biases exist also in a society with top ratings on gender equality. However, non-traditional families, with high maternal relative earnings and/or educational levels, showed even larger gender biases which suggest that it may be mothers, rather than fathers, that are the driving force behind this child gender bias.

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Notes

  1. Longitudinal integration database for health insurance and labour market studies.

  2. Among immigrants, there are missing information primarily on educational levels for around 20 % of all individuals.

  3. Note that this does not imply a structural model; we still estimate a reduced form.

  4. Although we can note that ultrasound tests, the method used by most women for examining the child during pregnancy, is not completely reliable in determining child gender.

  5. In fact, heterogeneous effects estimates for different groups of maternal and paternal educational levels showed no statistically significant differences in gender bias at all. Focusing on earnings levels, there were no differences between different groups of paternal earnings, but among mothers, there was a concave pattern showing that the gender bias against sons diminished by income (high income mothers were less gender biased) but at a decreasing rate.

  6. Longitudinal Individual Data for Sweden. For a more detailed description of the LINDA database, see Edin and Fredriksson (2000).

  7. In contrast to ordinary parental leave, where a parent on leave typically takes care of all children in the family because child care access is partly restricted for children whose parents are on ordinary parental leave; see The Swedish National Agency for Education (2001).

  8. In contrast to ordinary parental leave, which is given as a fixed amount of days for each child, the number of temporary parental leave days depends on the sickness of the child.

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Acknowledgments

I am grateful to Peter Fredriksson and Per Johansson for valuable guidance. I would also like to thank Mikael Elinder, Jenny von Greiff, Håkan Selin, Nabanita Datta Gupta, Peter Skogman Thoursie and Björn Öckert, seminar participants at the Department of Economics, Uppsala University, and the anonymous referees, for important suggestions and comments. The financial support from the Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research, FAS (dnr 2004-1222) is also acknowledged.

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Correspondence to Elly-Ann Lindström.

Appendix

Appendix

See Tables 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12.

Table 8 Number and share of newly born boys and girls in Sweden 1973–2005
Table 9 The probability of and days on parental leave
Table 10 Medical differences between newly born boys and girls in Sweden, averages during 1973–2005
Table 11 Parents mean number of days on temporary parental leave for boys and girls
Table 12 Details of the parental leave benefits over the years

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Lindström, EA. Gender Bias in Parental Leave: Evidence from Sweden. J Fam Econ Iss 34, 235–248 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10834-012-9324-1

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