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The Evolution of Food Security Governance and Food Sovereignty Movement in China: An Analysis from the World Society Theory

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Abstract

Originating in a 1983 Mexican Government Program, the term ‘food sovereignty’ was coined in 1996 by La Via Campesina—a global peasant network—to address concerns within the civil society for food security. Rather than to accept the neoliberal framework of mainstream food security definition and governance, the food sovereignty movement seeks to view food security as the right of peoples to define their own food and agriculture systems with limited corporation intervention. As a result, food production should be geared toward the domestic and local markets and not toward international trade that only benefits corporations. This food sovereignty movement was inducted into China in 2013 just as China’s agricultural systems were shifting toward a more corporate-centric structure that increasingly exploits the small-scale farmers. A question was hence raised: How have the global civil society networks influenced the Chinese civil society and promoted China’s local food sovereignty movement? Through the world society theory, the author has identified social forums, such as international conferences and social media channels, as an expedient means for interactions. However, as the Chinese government continues to develop a corporate-centric food security governance system and tighten its civil society space, the impacts of China’s food sovereignty movement remain unclear.

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Fig. 1

Source: Revised and adapted from Lin (2017, 120–121)

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Notes

  1. For theories on advocacy network, one can refer to Keck and Sikkink (1998).

  2. The original article was published in FAO, Director General’s Report on World Food Security: A Reappraisal of the Concepts and Approaches (FAO 1983) and cited from FAO, Trade Reforms and Food Security: Conceptualizing the Linkages (FAO 2003). Accessed on February 6, 2015. http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/y4671e/y4671e06.htm.

  3. The other components include economic security, health security, environment security, personal security, community security, and political security (United Nationals Development Programme 1994, 24).

  4. The Gates Foundation has invested more than $1.4 billion in the CGIAR from 2006–2009, in comparison to the FAO’s regular budget of $1 billion from its 192 member governments during the 2010–2011 biennium.

  5. In the past, only scholars with a background in science were allowed into the highest decision-making body of the FAO.

  6. There exists no official statistics on China’s grain reserve, and the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) merely stated that it was higher than the standard 17–18% as recommended by the FAO. Most projections and results from interviews conducted by the author pin the figure at 30–60%.

  7. From 2012–2013, the corruption case involving Sinograin’s Henan branch resulted in the dismissal and imprisonment of Cao Pusheng, former Head of the Henan Province Food Bureau; Li Changxuan and Yang Hongjie, former General Manager and Deputy General Manager respectively of Sinograin’s Henan Branch; and a host of department-level officials. Given that Henan Province accounts for one-quarter of China’s grain production, the corruption case involving Sinograin’s Henan Branch resulted in sizeable fluctuations in food prices across China.

  8. This was an interview finding conducted on June 27-July 2, 2013, in Yunnan, China.

  9. Similar concerns have been discussed by Wen et al. (2010), Chen (2012), He (2013), Huang and Gao (2013) and Huang et al. (2012).

  10. This was an interview finding conducted on June 29-July 1, 2016, in Beijing, China.

  11. This was an interview finding conducted on June 29-July 1, 2016, in Beijing, China.

  12. This was an interview finding conducted on June 29-July 1, 2016, in Beijing, China.

  13. Due to the effects of atomization (Butollo and ten Brink 2012; White, 1993), the movement in China against GMO food has yet to result in the formation of dedicated NGOs or CSOs.

  14. This was an interview finding conducted on July 8–10, 2016, in Beijing, China.

  15. This was an interview finding conducted on June 27, 2016, in Hong Kong, China.

  16. This was an interview finding conducted on June 27, 2016, in Hong Kong, China.

  17. Tencent is China’s major player in the Chinese social media space with its WeChat. In a public conference in Singapore of 2011, Tencent’s CEO, Pony Ma, ever said “We are a great supporter of the government in terms of the information security. We try to have a better management and control of the Internet (Fuchs, 2015: 296).” Later also in 2011, Tencent, as well as the other 38 China-based digital companies, signed a joint statement with the Chinese government stating “Internet companies must strengthen their self-management, self-restraint, and strict self-discipline (Elliott 2014).” As a result, all Chinese social media space has been subject to government surveillance and corporate censorship with the assistance of the space’s operational companies, like WeChat censored by Tencent and surveilled by the Chinese government; and Weibo by Sina and the Chinese government (Qiu 2016, 626).

  18. These campaigns attempt to leverage boomerang patterns (Keck and Sikkink 1998; 1999) to effect domestic policy changes through international pressure. However, this approach is likely to have raised suspicions on the part of the Chinese government and led to the suppression of the campaigns by Chinese Internet censorship. Most scholars also found the political space to influence the Chinese government by advocacy groups’ boomerang strategy is limited; see Morton (2008), Wu (2011), Thornton (2008), Hildebrandt (2012), and Wang (2010).

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Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges the comments by Drs. Hairong Yan, Yiyuan Chen, Jenn-hwan Wang, and Pasha L. Hsieh, as well as the support from the Ministry of Science and Technology in Taiwan through grant: MOST 105-2410-H-004 -024 -MY2.

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Lin, S.Y. The Evolution of Food Security Governance and Food Sovereignty Movement in China: An Analysis from the World Society Theory. J Agric Environ Ethics 30, 667–695 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10806-017-9694-3

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