Abstract
In marginal and complex agricultural environments, modern varieties of rice have been scantily adopted by resource-poor farmers. This is due, on the one hand, to farmers’ nonexistent or reduced access to agro-chemicals, irrigation facilities, and seeds, and on the other hand, to the fact that they did not fulfil the farmers’ socioeconomic and cultural priorities and needs. An understanding of farmers’ criteria for variety selection is key to promoting effective plant breeding and achieving broader aims of food security and food sovereignty. Based on extensive ethnographic field research, this paper discusses rice biodiversity management strategies and the experimental skills and knowledge of Southern Guinea-Bissau farmers against the backdrop of failures by development interventions to introduce modern rice varieties. I conclude that the present cereal crises and environmental concerns should reshape researchers’ exclusive priorities on genetic engineering in order to identify economically valued landraces, and promote their dissemination through participatory seed self-sufficiency approaches.
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Notes
According to data from the 1991 population census (the only ethnic census available), the Balanta represent 62% of the population, the Nalu 10%, the Fulbe 8%, the Sosso 5%, and the other ethnic groups 15% (INEC 1992). Research conducted between 1994 and 1996 revealed that there were no major differences among non-Balanta ethnic groups with respect to livelihood systems, agricultural practices and knowledge about rice varieties.
I translate here as “household” the Kriol concept of fogon, a unit of organization of production, processing, consumption and distribution.
Over years, as a result of their expertise in swamp rice technology, the Balanta were considered Guinea-Bissau’s main rice producers. However, during the last decade, even Balanta farmers have begun to change their farming system by decreasing the importance of rice production, and by investing in cashew nut orchards.
The name changed after some years to Department of Agricultural Research in order to include broader aims, but the acronym was maintained.
Also spelt and pronounced as Cablak, Caublac or Caulaca in Guinea-Bissau. Barry et al. (2007: 1680) wrote Kaoulaka for the same variety introduced in the Republic of Guinea. In this paper I adopted the most common spelling. Caulac, which is the name of the Nalu village in the region of Cacine (Guinea Bissau) where the variety was first introduced.
This point is in clear contradiction with Adesina and Seidi (1995: 364), who state that “it is difficult for MV’s [modern varieties] to surpass the local varieties in terms of taste.”
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Acknowledgements
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2005 AEGIS Conference and benefited from comments from Paul Richards, Olga Linares, Ramon Sarró, Marie-Christine Cormier-Salem, Edwin Nuijtn and David Berliner. Insightful and stimulating comments were later added by Olga Linares, Eric Gable, Harry West, Joanna Davidson, José M. C. Pereira, João Silva and Rui Figueira. I also would like to thank Walter Hawthorne for planting a title (and a work) of so many harvests. This paper was written within the framework of the project PPCDT/BIA-BDE/57965/2004 funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science (FCT). My deepest thanks and acknowledgements go to Cubucaré farmers and their families for their teaching, patience and warm welcome into their homes.
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Temudo, M.P. Planting Knowledge, Harvesting Agro-Biodiversity: A Case Study of Southern Guinea-Bissau Rice Farming. Hum Ecol 39, 309–321 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-011-9404-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-011-9404-0